Residential Relocation

This study of stress experienced during the transition from one’s own home into an independent/assisted senior housing community among older women was conducted using a mixed-methods approach that included (a) qualitative data collection via time-use diaries and open-ended interview questions, (b) quantitative data collected through structured interview questions and empirically validated scales that measured stress perceptions and coping behaviors, and (c) biological measures of stress reactivity through salivary cortisol. Designed to capture the adaptation period, the study was conducted longitudinally with repeated measures consisting of three interviews, six time diaries, and six sets of saliva collection beginning within 1 month of the move through the first 6 months in residence. The data allowed for triangulation of stressful events, perceptions of stress, and physiological reactivity, and yielded interesting preliminary results. Challenges included veracity of self-report responses, correct timing of saliva collection per protocol specifications, and maintenance of researcher–participant boundaries.

The main aims of this research is to found out whether public housing in the form of RDP( provided by the state) does  take into consideration plus provide  means to serve the needs of the physically disadvantaged people and the elder population within the society it intends to provide the housing with.

The objectives include the necessary steps undertaken by the professionals involved within the RDP housing scheme in making sure that the needs of the disabled and elderly population of the beneficiary communities are met and served properly and are satisfactory.
The elderly people have different needs compared to the young population, this is due to high level of fragility-this also applies to persons living with disabilities. As physical needs change so does the need to modify their homes occur. This paper evaluates the rate at which the RDP housing programmes which provides adequate shelter for the public through government initiation and its impact on lives of senior citizens and the physically disabled as they require special attention given to their special needs. The focus is on relocation of people from informal dwellings into newly developed public housing, in this case the focus is on Hammons farm which commutes families who were moved from Ocean drive inn.

This is an open source public document produced in connection with a UK urban regeneration CPO public inquiry. It should be read in association with other public inquiry documents including my proofs and those of Loretta Lees. In evidence, Professor Lees drew the Inspector’s attention to her current Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) funded research project. Attention was also drawn to the ESRC website which was said to contain a copy of the relevant research bid document. In fact, the website contains only a summary (appendix 1) of the full bid document that was submitted in evidence on 31 January 2018. The website identifies Professor Lees as the Principal Investigator. At the outset, I would note that the general subject of Professor Lees’ ESRC research outlined in the bid is welcome and necessary. The wish to evaluate the impacts of estate regeneration policy is commendable. That said, this response statement is intended to help the Inspector and the Secretary of State (SoS) understand the relevance of the research bid in the light of this CPO Public Inquiry and the evidence of Professor Lees. This statement provides a response to the research brief as it was called in evidence, for the ESRC project above. The brief is, in effect, the research bid that secured the funding for the project. This response is in two parts: 1) a response to the full research bid and 2) a response to the Abstract that is published on the ESRC website. This website Abstract contains the reference to Mr Boris Johnson’s “Kosovo-style social cleansing” that was referred to in oral evidence by Professor Lees.

Das Erbe von New Gourna ist heute mit Hassan Fathy gegen Hassan Fathy zu verteidigen. Sein aufgeklärtes, postkolonial informiertes Verständnis von architektonischer Entwicklung muss von Fathys paternalistischen kulturpolitischen Zielsetzungen abgegrenzt werden. Eine heutige Kritik muss sich fähig zeigen, die soziologischen Defizite des New Gourna Projektes bei gleichzeitiger Würdigung des von ihm erarbeiteten konstruktiven Repertoires kenntlich zu machen. Fathy war ein bedeutender Erneuer dessen, wie Entwicklung zu denken und architektonisch ins Werk zu setzen sei. Der Vorstellung von vernakulärem Bauen als Vorstufe bzw. als das Andere des modernen Bauens stellte Hassan Fathy ein Denken der Gleichzeitigkeit entgegen. Entsprechend greift Fathy in New Gourna auf überlieferte Bautechniken zurück, um sein Ideal einer zeitgemässen Modernität zum Durchbruch zu verhelfen. Jenseits modernistischer Vereinfachungen (Stichwort: Fortschritt) hat Fathy ein vielschichtiges Verständnis von Entwicklung zur Entfaltung gebracht; damit Gottfried Sempers Intuitionen zum Stoffwechsel aufgreifend und weiterführend.

The concept of gentrification was coined in the 1960s referring to the formerly working class neighborhoods invaded by higher status social groups in London, while today it can be seen as a global phenomenon appearing in most of the cities all around the world. Budapest is not an exception either: since the transition, several neighborhoods started to be gentrified, especially the inner parts of the Pest side. In the recent years, overcoming the former theoretical debates about the explanation of gentrification, gentrification research has been centered on the observation of the effects of the process. A crucial phenomenon taken into consideration when analyzing the effects of gentrification is the question of displacement, or in other words the involuntary move of a household. While the protagonists of gentrification – both in the international and in the Hungarian literature – state that displacement is either a marginal phenomenon or a process
through which the living conditions of the displaced families are improved, the critical gentrification researchers argue that displacement destroys communities and social networks; causes invaluable psychological harms and usually results
that the originally less affluent people have to live in a neighbourhood outside the inner areas, where they have even less chance for a better life. In their view this leads to spatial segregation and the shaping of socially homogenous areas, which undermines the stability of the society and increases inequalities. My aim is to bring empirical evidences about the process of displacement by following‐up families facing a situation in which they are forced to leave their former homes, in order to contribute to the more precise evaluation and analysis of the phenomenon of gentrification. For this reason I focus on Ferencváros (the 9th District of Budapest), where a slow municipality‐led gentrification process has been going on since the early 1990s.

There is a wide interest in the effects of forced relocation in the context of urban restructuring. This interest is also inspired by debates on gentrification and displacement. The prevailing idea is that the lowest income groups particularly suffer from displacement in terms of their housing quality and increased rents. In addition, increasing proportions of forced movers are assumed to harm the housing opportunities of other house seekers, while competing within the social rented sector. Although several studies deal with the consequences of forced relocation, a broader perspective on housing chances is currently lacking. Moreover, most studies are qualitative, whereas a larger-scale quantitative analysis is needed to test assumptions mentioned above. This paper addresses these matters by analysing housing allocation data of the Haaglanden in the Netherlands and two cross-sectional surveys among forced movers in the region's central city, The Hague. Findings indicate that housing chances for both forced and regular house seekers have not declined substantially since 2000. Moreover, most forced movers experienced dwelling progress, partly thanks to the design of the housing allocation model. However, low-educated, as well as middle- and higher-income households less often report dwelling progress. Explanations for these findings are provided.

This study provides an empirical investigation on the impact of fertility intentions on residential relocation behaviours of partnered women during periods of housing price inflation in Australia. The finding suggests that there is a significant impact of fertility intentions on residential mobility. Couples with strong fertility intentions tend to move from one owner-occupied dwelling to another with more capacity in more affordable local government areas. However, there is substantial heterogeneity around housing market conditions. The translation of fertility intention into relocation was not observed in housing markets with high affordability pressures. This study extends previous research on fertility intention and relocation behaviour by considering how housing market conditions can interfere the translation of fertility intentions into residential moves and the realisation of fertility intentions in births. KEYWORDS fertility intention, housing markets, residential relocation, simultaneous equation models, theory of planned behaviour

This paper develops some urban and sociological hypothesis about the relationship
with the public space by neighbors of a quartier in the periphery of Paris, demolished under the frame of the PNRU. Suffering problem of vandalism and public insecurity, an inquiry developed in group by the University Paris 8 will allow to obtain some information about the process of ghettoization of this quartier. The territorial model, urban implantation and the mobility in the social housing park will facilitate dynamics of spatial control. Balancing between the appropriation of the common parts of the “Cité” and the confinement in their own houses, the testimony of the neighbors shows two sides of the same phenomenon: the subversion of the public space becoming a different one: that one which will follow the rules of the hegemonic community

Résumé

Souvent, lors de la réalisation de grands projets, plusieurs personnes sont contraintes de quitter leur logement. Toutefois, les impacts psychosociaux de ces déménagements forcés sont peu documentés. Nous proposons ici une analyse de la réinstallation dans une nouvelle demeure à la suite d’une relocalisation résidentielle involontaire, à partir de l’expérience de propriétaires relocalisés dans le cadre du réaménagement de la route 175. Après une description du processus d’acquisition des résidences, nous nous penchons sur le deuil que vivent les personnes relocalisées et qui est caractérisé par la solitude. Ensuite, nous nous intéressons aux raisons qui motivent le choix d’une nouvelle résidence et l’appréciation de celle-ci. L’expérience de la relocalisation semble liée à l’âge et aux significations du chez-soi ; les personnes âgées et les jeunes ménages paraissent particulièrement vulnérables.

Abstract

Finding a New Home After an Involuntary Residential Relocation: Between Appreciating a New Neighbourhood and Grieving for the Old One

Frequently, when major projects are carried out, many people are forced out of their homes. The psychological and social impacts of these forced moves have rarely been documented. In this paper, we analyse the process of finding a new home after an involuntary residential relocation, based on the experiences of homeowners relocated as a result of the rebuilding of Quebec’s Highway 175. Following a description of the home acquisition process, we examine the grieving, characterized by solitude, that relocated people go through. We then take a look at the criteria that guide them in choosing a new home and their appreciation of it. The experience of relocation seems to be connected to age and what a home means; the elderly and young couples appear to be particularly vulnerable.

Since the early 1990s the local version of the globalized urban strategy of gentrification has been present in the Hungarian capital, Budapest as well (see for example Tomay 2007), mainly in the forms of “urban rehabilitation” projects. The former industrial and working class district called Ferencváros has experienced the longest and most pervasive “urban rehabilitation” project in Budapest, resulting in a peculiar state-led gentrification of the area. More than 2000 families have been gradually relocated in the last two decades by the local government. My thesis focuses on Ferencváros, in order to analyze the personal and social consequences of the local governmental orchestrated relocation of the dwellers. I will argue that though their relocation is an essentially different process from the classical cases of displacement described in North-American cities (see Marcuse 1985), in its effects they have considerable similarities. The argument of the paper is based on a qualitative methodological apparatus. Apart from an ethnographic case-study about the “vacating” of a house with fifty families and the following-up of the relocated dwellers, I conducted interviews with the important actors from the local government as well. Besides these qualitative data I analyzed statistics about the history of “urban rehabilitation” in Ferencváros. The results show that though in public discourse urban rehabilitation is depicted as a positive output of the local policies, it is rather a Janus-faced process through which social polarization and spatial segregation are increased.

Objective: To synthesise the literature on the effects of neighbourhood environmental change through residential relocation on physical activity, walking and travel behaviour. Design: Systematic review following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses guidelines (PROSPERO registration number CRD42017077681). Data sources: Electronic databases for peer-reviewed and grey literature were systematically searched to March 2017, followed by forward and backward citation tracking. Eligibility criteria: A study was eligible for inclusion if it (1) measured changes in neighbourhood built environment attributes as a result of residential relocation (either prospectively or retrospectively); (2) included a measure of physical activity, walking, cycling or travel modal change as an outcome; (3) was quantitative and (4) included an English abstract or summary. Results: A total of 23 studies was included in the review. Among the eight retrospective longitudinal studies, there was good evidence for the relationship between relocation and walking (consistency score (CS)>90%). For the 15 prospective longitudinal studies, the evidence for the effects of environmental change/ relocation on physical activity or walking was weak to moderate (CS mostly <45%), even weaker for effects on other outcomes, including physical activity, cycling, public transport use and driving. Results from risk of bias analyses support the robustness of the findings. Conclusion: The results are encouraging for the retrospective longitudinal relocation studies, but weaker evidence exists for the methodologically stronger prospective longitudinal relocation studies. The evidence base is currently limited, and continued longitudinal research should extend the plethora of cross-sectional studies to build higher-quality evidence.

Using a mixed-methods approach, this study examines the relationship between informal social support and formal social support services and employment outcomes among residents of a public housing development relocated as part of a HOPE VI project in Charlotte, NC.  Informal social supports are resources accessible through family and friends within a neighborhood and formal social supports are provided by case managers and service providers. We find that when former public housing resident are enrolled in case management longer and have high satisfaction with their case manager, this leads to better employment outcomes. In addition, having strong bonding ties among public housing neighbors has a negative influence on employment. This study sheds light on how case managers play a role in promoting economic mobility and economic crises and providing bridging capital for poor families.

This introductory paper to this special issue of Housing Studies questions whether various characteristics of the debate and research on gentrification, displacement and restructuring justify a largely negative perspective on the processes and outcomes of ‘forced’ residential relocation. We argue that a proper and fuller consideration of issues around policy, context, process and outcomes enable researchers and commentators to avoid ready characterisations and self-fulfilling investigations of restructuring which serve to present it as a singular (and somewhat suspicious or conspiratorial) phenomenon. For this purpose, we present a broad conceptual framework for restructuring and relocation studies, based on these four themes. Subsequently, we review major issues in restructuring and gentrification discourses, and briefly reflect upon some of the factors underlying the negative loading of the term displacement. We also identify caveats in the evidence base of relocation studies, both in the United States and in Europe. Finally, we introduce the papers in this special issue. The overall aim of this issue is to offer a more open, balanced starting position for analysis of urban restructuring processes and relocation outcomes, particularly in relation to areas of social housing.

Several of Amsterdam’s inner-city areas that formerly were dominated by affordable
social and private housing are undergoing processes of gentrification. Most of
the gentrification literature highlights tensions and avoidance between classes. Is
this also the case in Amsterdam, or has an increased tenure mix in the Dutch capital
had a smoother impact? We assumed that in areas with increased tenure mix in
Amsterdam, neighborhood confidence levels would be increasing. Results analysed
from the 2001 and 2009 biannual Living in Amsterdam Surveys showed that an
increase in owner-occupancy rates was correlated with a small, but significant,
increase in overall neighborhood confidence. Nor was there any evidence that gentrification
led to widespread displacement of ethnic groups. Case studies of two
gentrifying areas produced similar results. These results which question the usually
pessimistic discussion of gentrification in the literature can be explained by a mild
version of gentrification in Amsterdam. The paper discusses the prospects for such
smooth cohabitation of classes continuing in Amsterdam in the future.

OBJECTIVE. The objective of this study was to compare environmental barriers, housing accessibility, and usability before and after relocation of very old, single-living people in the community. It also examined whether accessibility improved after relocation compared with a simulated scenario in which participants would have remained in their former dwellings. METHOD. Data from the Swedish part of the longitudinal Enabling Autonomy, Participation, and Well-Being in Old Age: The Home Environment as a Determinant for Healthy Ageing database were analyzed with a before-and-after design (N = 29). Mean time from before to after data collection was 2.6 yr. RESULTS. The number of environmental barriers was significantly reduced after relocation, especially barriers at entrances and in bathrooms. In addition, usability was stable and accessibility improved compared with the simulated scenario of remaining in the former dwelling. CONCLUSION. Community-based moves to new dwellings may lead t...

Urban restructuring programmes targeting distressed-poverty neighbourhoods have broadened their approach in recent years to address not only physical problems, but also social issues of individual residents. These programmes often include forced residential relocation, due to demolition of public or social rented housing. This paper identifies key parallels and differences in the combined urban restructuring–social service and support approaches employed in the US and the Netherlands. Within the context of forced relocation, important lessons are highlighted, learned from the US HOPE VI programme, which are relevant for advancing the development of the recent ‘behind-the-front-door’ approach in the Netherlands and beyond. Six significant issues are discussed which have key management implications for housing associations taking this approach: the challenges presented to housing associations as they assume the dual role of housing manager and service provider; the importance of offering services beyond the time limits of relocation; the necessity to balance the location and mobility of new services; the complexity of acquiring and maintaining trust and confidentiality among residents; the challenges of determining appropriate programme goals and overcoming fundamental obstacles to progress; and the crucial role of evaluation and research in developing, implementing and improving such complex initiatives.

There is a wide interest in the effects of forced relocation in the context of urban restructuring. This interest is also inspired by debates on gentrification and displacement. The prevailing idea is that the lowest income groups particularly suffer from displacement in terms of their housing quality and increased rents. In addition, increasing proportions of forced movers are assumed to

Whether renewal-induced relocations have a positive or a negative impact on displaced tenants is hotly debated on both sides of the Atlantic. In response, scientists have examined the outcomes of forced relocations and shown that they can be both negative and positive. However, the choice processes and strategies underlying these mixed outcomes have received much less attention in academia. We therefore examined how the institutional context of forced relocation affects displaced tenants’ choice processes and strategies. The results of a qualitative analysis of interviews with 144 displaced tenants from five Dutch cities show that they can be considered active agents because they adopt different choice strategies. Nevertheless, the choice strategies and experienced freedom of choice differed between tenants who were confronted with different relocation regulations. The limits imposed by and the opportunities of institutional contexts steer the choice processes and strategies of displaced tenants, but are by no means deterministic.

Migration to areas of high amenity is often motivated by lifestyle choices (sometimes referred to as the sea-change or tree-change phenomenon) and can include a desire to exchange the stress of career and work in the city for a slower pace of life. Areas of high
amenity are generally non-urban, coastal or rural, with high quality natural landscapes and/or sociocultural environments. Little is known about individuals’ experiences after such relocation and there is insufficient research to hypothesise about psychological outcomes. Interpretative phenomenological analysis (Smith, 1995) was used in this preliminary study to analyse data from semi-structured interviews with individuals who had recently moved to Cara (pseudonym), an Australian semi-rural tourist destination known for its scenic, cultural, and social amenity. Analysis produced 4 themes: a) The fit between
the individual and the new location; b) Friendship and being a part of something vs. alienation and self-doubt; c) Making sense of social difficulties; and d) Relocation to an area of high amenity as an intense experience. Issues of identity and sense of self arose within almost every theme and employment status impacted in a variety of ways. Such relocation can be intensely positive, or intensely distressing, and avenues for research are identified, including possible interventions.

The Dutch urban restructuring policy, initiated in 1997, has generated much urban geography research. As with so many other fields, the associated debate has witnessed the perception of a gap between policy and research among both researchers and policymakers. Using four examples, this paper argues that this perception of a gap fails to reflect properly what is happening in the interchange between research and policy. Drawing on a broader typology of the use of research in policy-making (Stevens, 2007), the paper shows that the relationship is more complex and critically highlights the role of researchers herein. Moreover, ignoring or ‘cherry-picking’ of research by policymakers does not necessarily reflect a lack of relevance, which is a fundamental discussion within current geography research. The four discussed examples are: ambivalent outcomes of relocation research, the selection of renewal target areas, potential negative spillover effects on other areas, and the stubbornness of the concept of social cohesion in policy.