Radical Feminism

The central thesis of Susan Okin's Justice, Gender, and the Family—that the ideology of the traditional family is the linchpin of contemporary gender inequality in the US—remains significant more than a quarter-century after the book's publication. On a political register, Okin's insistence on structural analysis of gender inequality is an important corrective to recent mainstream feminist emphasis on individual women's choices. On an academic register, her work reveals the incoherence of scholarly classifications of feminist theories as "liberal feminist" or "radical feminist" by confounding such distinctions. I argue that her thesis is best understood in relation to the early radical feminism of Juliet Mitchell's Woman's Estate, a book Okin praised. Placing Okin's work in the context of its radical roots clarifies her "linchpin thesis," but also reveals the limitations of her argument: in her emphasis on what Iris Young has termed the "distributive paradigm of justice," Okin unnecessarily adopts a much narrower definition of the family than did Mitchell, and overestimates the influence of economic vulnerability after divorce on women's capacity to exit marriage. I suggest modifications to her theory, and conclude by showing the continuing relevance of her argument for analyzing recent legal, policy, and demographic shifts. traditional family—remains relevant and timely.

This article considers and rejects claims reform of the Gender Recognition Act 2004 (GRA) to allow gender self-declaration will undermine non-trans women's rights and lead to an increase in harms to non-trans women. The article argues that these claims are founded on a mistaken understanding of the proper legal relationship between the GRA and the Equality Act 2010 (EA), and that the harm claim, in any event, lacks a proper evidential basis. The article considers three legal arguments made by gender critical feminists: that sex-based exceptions under the EA cannot be invoked against trans women with a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC), that the appropriate legal comparator for a trans woman non GRC-holder in a discrimination case is a non-trans man, and that section 22 of the GRA, which protects the privacy of GRC-holders, undermines the ability of women's organisations to regulate access to women-only spaces.

The Ana Cha Collective is a coalition of feminist scholars, artists, and filmmakers formed to interrogate the cultural world through a feminist lens and engage in a creative practice that deconstructs violent power structures. This article outlines the feminist (her-)story and politics that contextualizes the formation and political praxis of the Ana Cha Collective. The Feminist Art Movement’s points of strength and limits can reveal effective feminist political practices in the contemporary cultural sphere. The Ana Cha Collective formed to utilize radical feminist practices in cultural production for the complete liberation of the marginalized by dismantling the structures that identify and
oppress these groups. By archiving the collective’s critical and creative pedagogy, this article serves as a form of feminist counter-discourse that will hopefully spark more
collective feminist art praxis.

In this chapter, I examine two social movements as they involved young women seeking to create new paths in Wellington, New Zealand in the 1990s: the Young Women’s Division of Soka Gakkai International New Zealand (SGINZ), a lay Buddhist movement; and the radical lesbian feminist movement. I was an active participant in both movements, thus the chapter is autoethnographic, distilling insights from the perspective of a Complete Member Researcher (CMR). For each movement, I analyse the motivations for young women’s involvement, the type of revolutionary change sought, and the approach to organisation. I determine that the lesbian feminist movement of the 1990s was ‘of its time’: a flotilla lashed temporarily together to explore and create landing spaces in barely charted waters. It unleashed an outpouring of radically transgressive energy that transformed young women’s lives and the social landscape, but it struggled to support all its members in the face of internal schisms. The Young Women’s Division of the Soka Gakkai International, in contrast, existed within a tightly designed organisational structure based on deep historic roots, that carefully directed participants’ energies to enhance their self-development, grow
the organisation, and transform wider society. The SGINZ did not confront political oppression head-on, but rather gave young women opportunities to undertake their ‘human revolution’ with a view to contributing to social change. The overlap of the membership of these two groups suggests that individuals may be drawn to more than one model. Looking back, from a relatively near future, it is clear that social movements work in mysterious ways, with at times unexpected results.

Tickner quoted Simon Patten, who argued in 1914 that as he watched the suffragettes " swing with easy step from one end of fifth avenue to the other " that they represented a positive development of women, freeing them from the stiff Regency and Victorian controls and that these women were to be proud of.(Annals Of American Academy v56 NY Public Library 1914 From the outset I want to bring attention to the use of colour as symbol and communication. These colours have been used in knots, ribbon decorations and clothing as part of the unspoken language of women in political activism. Such symbols in Celtic times were connected with magic and amulet power but by the 15 th C (Cromwell and Wars of the Roses) colour and pattern were being used by women to indicate support fo ra political direction that may not have been aligned with their husband or family.

El giro súbito de los feminismos hacia fines de los sesenta, observable en sus nuevos programas, estrategias de visibilización y formas de organización, da cuenta de un 1968 diferente, potente y fragmentario a la vez. Un 1968 que tiene, en este punto, su centro más acuciante en el Women's Lib de Estados Unidos donde los movimientos feministas liberales y radicales se vinculan y discuten con corrientes del black power, del gay power y del hippismo. En este trabajo proponemos un paneo posible de esta compleja y belicosa escena entre 1966 y 1972, repasando algunos de los debates, límites y devenires de estos feminismos estallados.

The sudden turn of feminisms towards the end of the 60s, observable in its new programs, strategies of visibility and forms of organization, accounts for a 1968 different, powerful and fragmentary at the same time. A 1968 that has, at this point, its most pressing center in the Women's Lib of the United States where the liberal and radical feminist movements are linked and discuss with currents of black power, gay power and hippism. In this work we propose a possible panning of this complex and bellicose scene between 1966 and 1972, reviewing some of the debates, limits and becomings of these erupting feminisms.

Valerie Solanas 1967 SCUM Manifesto, an acronym standing for Society for Cutting Up Men presents the radical feminist’s polity and ideas on first of all all the flaws noticed in the current behavior of society for it is functioning upon the command of men, being an ‘’utter bore’’,

Chystaya-Young, Yuliya
Representation of Prostituted Women in Weimar Cinema: Bachelor thesis / Yuliya Chystaya-Young ; supervisor MA Inesa Khatkovskaya ; European Humanities University. Academic Department of Media. – Vilnius, 2016. – 41, [p.] - Bibliogr.: p. 40-41 (30 titles).
Key words: Weimar Republic, Weimar cinema, prostitution, psychoanalysis, gender, sexuality, radical feminism.
The object of this bachelor thesis – Weimar films featuring prostituted women. The goal of the thesis – to analyse specific ways of representation of prostitutes in Weimar cinema. Main tasks of the thesis: to look into historical and social context of Weimar cinema; to explore different approaches to the problem of prostitution; to investigate the way prostitutes were treated by German society in Weimar period; to look at representation of prostitutes in Weimar culture; to analyse different ways prostituted women are portrayed in Weimar cinema. To look into various clichés prostitutes are often associated with.
The usage of such methods as semiotic analysis and psychoanalysis led to a conclusion that all the films I analysed are containing stereotyped images of prostituted women. I distinguished two popular clichés – “femmes fatales” and “damsels in distress”. Prostitutes in these selected films ended up either punished or unpunished and either way could be applicable both to “evil” ones and “victims”.
This bachelor thesis can be useful to the researchers, lecturers and students.

Le prospettive femministe in ambito criminologico si sviluppano tra gli anni Settanta e Ottanta, grazie alla contaminazione portata dall’elaborazione delle teorie femministe della cosiddetta «seconda ondata» in
ambito filosofico, sociologico e storico e all’emergere della critica ai fondamenti epistemologici e metodologici delle scienze sociali da parte di studiose e ricercatrici. La critica femminista alla criminologia dominante (mainstream – poi rinominata malestream) e a quella – critica – di
matrice realista di sinistra, si articola riflettendo le declinazioni storiche del femminismo più ampio, producendo, più che un corpus organico riconoscibile
a una criminologia femminista, un insieme di prospettive
che hanno radicalmente trasformato e trasgredito la criminologia sia dal punto di vista epistemologico che da quello metodologico.
In questo capitolo descriveremo la genealogia delle prospettive femministe dalla sua «irruzione» nel campo della criminologia; le sue articolazioni teoriche ed epistemologiche durante la seconda e la terza ondata
del femminismo; per poi analizzare il nucleo fondamentale delle analisi femministe, ossia l’analisi femminista dei processi di criminalizzazione e vittimizzazione fondati sul genere e dei loro «confini sfuocati », che le prospettive femministe superano gettando luce sull’agency dei
soggetti.

SCUM Manifesto is revisited here as a satire - its feminist rage viewed as self-conscious and tightly controlled verbal performance which mimics the misogyny of texts such as Otto Weininger’s 'Sex and Character', or the macho novels of Mailer, Hemingway and Miller. The article then examines the ambivalence of  feminism’s public image in the late 1960s and early 70s (as well as its self-image) through the lens of various reactions to Solanas.

Michel Weber, Féminisme épidermique et utopie viscérale. Signes, symboles, et archétypes, Louvain-la-Neuve, Éditions Chromatika, 2020 ; ISBN 978-2-930517-72-8, ISBN E-book 978-2-930517-73-5

Comment repenser la sexualité et le « genre » ?
Relire la Genèse et le Prologue de l’évangile de Jean à partir de prémisses féministes donne une idée très vive de la chape idéologique et conceptuelle qui a été coulée sur l’inconscient collectif par les monothéismes, finalement assistés par les catégories philosophiques platoniciennes.
Revisiter le féminisme contemporain à la lumière du sens commun et de la perspective jungienne sur le processus d’individuation permet alors d’en relativiser efficacement les enjeux.

Michel Weber est professeur adjoint de philosophie à l’Université du Saskatchewan (Canada). Il pratique également la thérapie psychocorporelle ayurvédique (Cabinet Metabyanga) et le coaching existentiel (Centre Tonaki).


Les libraires peuvent s’adresser à <libraire@ciaco.com> pour obtenir une réduction confraternelle.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar discursos feministas que tematizam os sujeitos transgêneros e/ou travestis e/ou transexuais. Tratam-se sobretudo de análises de discursos feministas radicais trans-excludentes e/ou autointitulados “críticos de gênero” através de um referencial teórico transfeminista, ao qual a autora deste trabalho explicitamente se filia. Concentramos nossas análises nas teorizações de duas autoras acadêmicas: Janice G. Raymond e Sheila Jeffreys. As teorizações destas duas autoras possuem uma vasta influência nos posicionamentos trans-excludentes nos discursos e movimentos feministas contemporâneos. Para tanto, iremos utilizar conceitos provenientes do campo teórico da Análise de Discurso, tal como o de formação discursiva, visando compreender a textualização da problemática teórica feminista. Nosso corpus de análise conta com textos provenientes de livros, revistas acadêmicas (artigos e resenhas de livros), portais de notícias, sites e blogs (todos de acesso público). Abordamos os temas centrais de polêmicas entre transfeministas e feministas radicais: alterações corporais pela medicina; socialização; estereótipos, identidade e abolição de gênero; a negação da autenticidade das identidades trans e a sexualidade lésbica. Levamos em consideração a íntima relação entre as construções linguísticas e ideológicas para a análise de discursos feministas. Nomeamos duas tendências no discurso feminista radical trans-excludente: paternalista e conspiratória. Nos detivemos sobretudo para os efeitos produzidos pelas construções linguísticas de negação que incidem sobre as formulações que tematizam a questão da subversão e identidade de gênero. Em virtude da importância e centralidade do efeito de denegação nos discursos analisados, trazemos as considerações teóricas da linguística e psicanálise sobre a negação. Além da negação, trazemos a discussão sobre pressuposição linguística e sua relação com o conceito de pré-construído, além da questão do reconhecimento, vulnerabilidade, subjetividade e a relação entre feminismo e psicanálise. Pudemos concluir que em virtude do reconhecimento das identidades transgêneras ser enquadrado no âmbito individual e intencional e a problemática da subversão de gênero ser textualizada pelo efeito de denegação, não houve uma mudança de terreno epistemológico de uma problemática idealista pela formação teórica feminista radical trans-excludente.

The story of Jack Parsons--the Southern California rocket scientist-cum-sex magician who co-founded the Jet Propulsion Laboratory and did Thelemic rituals with L. Ron Hubbard--features a charismatic blend of sex, sorcery, technology and death. The tale haunts a dark crossroads of the SoCal mindscape, scrawling a prophetic glyph in the wet pavement of postwar America. In this essay, I explore an unremarked aspect of  Parsons’ life and thought, what I will call his magickal feminism. In his 1946 text "Freedom is a Two-Edged Sword," Parsons issued a call for women to take up the spiritual, sexual, and political sword—a libertarian cry for female autonomy that also eerily anticipated the militant witchcraft that would finnd historical expression in California over twenty years later.

This article reviews the ways in which radical feminism has been and continues to be trans inclusive. Trans inclusive radical feminist opinion leaders, groups, and events are reviewed and contrasted against a popular media narrative that asserts that radical feminism takes issue with trans people. Reviewed are historical instances in which radical feminists braved violence to ensure their feminism was trans inclusive.

This contribution wants to retrace American feminist Betty Friedan’s fascinating biography and controversial reflection, adopting as focal point the book which allowed her to become a strong reference for the Liberal Women's Rights Movement of the ‘60s and ‘70s, and at the same time made her an extremely discussed and criticized public figure within the new Radical Feminist Reflection: The Feminine Mystique (1964).
This brilliant work was able to bring to light the famous “problem that has no name”, the sense of frustration and incompleteness lived in ‘50s by many American middle-class women, placed in name of their docile and uncompetitive femininity within the domestic sphere of suburban reality, in order to ensure political and social stability to the so-called “American way of life”.
Can we really affirm that Betty Friedan has consciously removed part of her young radical engagement – as historian Daniel Horowitz affirmed in his Friedan’s provocative biography of 1998 – to embrace a more comfortable liberal feminist discourse? Can we actually consider The Feminine Mystique «the revolutionary manifesto of women's liberation», as it was by many defined? Is Friedan’s liberal analysis – aimed to examine the status of white heterosexual middle-class and educated American women – based on a primary exclusion according to class, race and sexual orientation? I will move from these still open questions to reconstruct the political debate which arose around Friedan’s work and her later commitment within the National Organization for Women (NOW), with a particular emphasis on the main criticisms to the structural limits of her political vision.

This article examines the presence and importance of Goddess Spirituality and Dianic Witchcraft at the Greenham Common Women’s Peace Camp during the first decade or so of its existence. The influence of radical and cultural feminisms on the women who lived at the peace camp and assembled there for large scale anti-nuke demonstrations has been explored by many researchers in the past, but the issue of spirituality – and particularly Goddess Spirituality and feminist/Dianic Witchcraft – at the camp has yet to receive adequate scholarly attention. This article uses archival records, memoires and oral histories in order to shed some light on this under-studied phenomenon, and in addition attempts to contextualize the camp as an arena for exchanges of views and knowledge between non-feminist British Wiccans and American-influenced radical feminists and Goddess women.

Debates about commercial sex occupy a prominent place on the agenda of both global and Russian-language feminist communities. Sex wars have a major impact on the organization and political imagination of the feminist movement. On the other hand, some sex workers and their representatives consider some feminists (neo-abolitionists) to be one of the biggest enemies in the struggle for their rights. Trying to understand this contradiction, the article raises issue on how neo-abolitionist discourse is designed and what political impact it produces. The author proceeds under the assumption that the neo-abolitionist discourse about commercial sex is a way to cope with the two fundamental anxieties of the feminist movement: the anxiety of foundation and the anxiety of translation. This hypothesis is tested through an analysis of Russian and English-language feminist texts on commercial sex, as well as through analysis of existing research literature. The author comes to the conclusion that the construction of sex work as a homogeneous situation of patriarchal violence against women allows it to be used as a metaphor. One of its effects is the legitimation of universalist and essentialist constructions of radical feminism/neo-abolitionism. At the same time, this discourse excludes the voices of women engaged in sex work and reduces the diversity and heterogeneity of their experience. As a result, neo-abolitionism becomes problematic if we consider feminism an inclusive and emancipatory project. In conclusion, the author calls for the formation of a more inclusive and polyphonic version of feminism towards people engaged in commercial sex.

Social imbalances between men and women are the bedrock of injustices women encounter in the world, particularly in African societies. Patriarchy is identified by womanist and feminist scholars as one of the social practices that give men more privilege and maintain women in peripheral roles. This article examines how female characters in African patriarchal settings of two Ghanaian male and female novels, Asare Adei's A Beautiful Daughter (2012) and Amma Darko's The Housemaid (1998) have been able to face/cope with men's oppressions through womanist and radical feminist theories. The findings have revealed that majority of the female characters are empowered economically and socially in the male and female fictional texts, and this has enabled them to combat men's patriarchal oppressions. The female characters' reactions vary from one another. Some of them made use of pacific ways such as dialogue, feminine solidarity or sisterhood in their attempts to address men's patriarchal oppressions, while others have made use of violence against men and children in their quest for justice and equality.

Trans-exclusionary radical feminists (TERFs) make use of an ethical, moralistic framework to support specific rhetoric and behavior. Taken together, these form a self-referential ideology that functions to protect an essentialist ontology, which reliably harms cisgender, transgender, and feminist communities. Through an examination of the historical record of US radical feminist and TERF discourses, including first-hand accounts, this article considers how the ontological framework that inspires TERF rhetoric and behavior has functioned as a cycle of moral fulfillment, even as it necessitates the eradication of trans bodies. The article analyzes how TERF morality, rhetoric, and action construct social forms through a sexed binary by relying on an appeal to the natural, which serves to objectify ontological embodiment. It also foregrounds the different historical and contemporary positionalities of trans-exclusionary and trans-inclusive radical feminisms, and concludes with a reminder of the complementary attributes of trans feminism and radical feminism that are evidenced by decades of cooperation.

Penulisan ini dibuat untuk menjelaskan cyberbullyingyang terjadi di kalangan anak perempuan untuk memberikan pemahaman bagi masyarakat yang belum mengetahui secara mendalam isu ini, bahwa isu cyberbullyingini sudah sering terjadi dan terus meningkat di kalangan anak-anak dan merupakan sebuah isu gender yang sangat kompleks.Dalam penulisan ini penulis menggunakan kerangka teori feminisme radikal dalam menganalisis data-data sekunder yang ada. Hasil yang didapatkan oleh penulis menemukan bahwa anak perempuan memiliki kerentanan yang sangat tinggi baik sebagai korban maupun korban cyberbullying. Hal ini sangat berhubungan dengan pengalaman anak perempuan di dunia nyata. Pengalaman menjadi individu yang tersubordinasi di dunia nyata ini memicu anak perempuan untuk terlibat dalam cyberbullying.

Kishwar Naheed is one of the pioneers of Feminist movement in Pakistan. She won Sitara-e-Imtiaz, Pakistan’s highest award for her contribution to Urdu literature. She is one of the first Pakistani poets to write in blank verse in Urdu. Naheed’s poetry has been translated into English and Spanish. Rukhsana Ahmad edited and translated her poetry and published in London by The Women’s Press in 1991. The book named as “We Sinful women”.
This study focuses on the poetry of Kishwar Naheed as a Radical Feminist. How she challenges and transgresses norms and values of her culture in her poetry. Though, she does not take up the label of feminist or radical feminist explicitly. But the themes of her work are known as feminist. In her work she criticizes imperfections of Pakistani-state customs and laws in order to reform them. For this purpose researcher selected some poems of Kishwar Naheed named as ‘We sinful women, Anticlockwise, Talking to Myself, I am not that Woman/Who Am I, The Grass is really like me’. These Poems are translated by Rukhsana Ahmad in her book ‘We Sinful Women’ published in 1991 by Women’s UK Press. She works as a freelance writer and journalist in England. Kishwar Naheed herself translated many works including the book named as “The Second Sex”. So, she is familiar about the difficulties which come across in translation and she praised Rukhsana Ahmad’s work in an online interview with Mahwash Shoaib.

In recent years, demand for the implementation of the Nordic Model of prostitution has
dramatically increased. Feminists have worked alongside right-wing fundamentalists in pushing for this legislation
across the UK, Ireland, and mainland Europe. Recently, the Northern Irish Assembly voted through a clause which
criminalizes the purchase of sex, despite having commissioned a report which showed that 98% of sex workers
working in Northern Ireland did not want the law changed. In Westminster, Conservative and Labour MPs are
working together to bring a similar proposal before the Commons.

Why do feminists fight for measures which
have been proven to harm sex workers? Why is sex work singled out as being exploitative? This paper interrogates
the reasons behind the worryingly-growing feminist movement fighting for the criminalization of sex work.

Perceptions of young women in Japan are examined in relation to female self-defense. Several women in Japan were surveyed, with some chosen for interviews. It seemed that self-defense was often connected not to learning assault-prevention techniques but to purchasing self-defense tools. This finding opens two avenues for discussion. First, the marketization of personal safety is explored, as is the genderization of these tools and the subsumption of women's safety into a logic of consumption. Second, the shift from viewing the body as a weapon to viewing the object as one, which projects various forms of subjectification onto women, is discussed. These include the outsourcing of women's agency to an external object. It is concluded that this outsourcing often results in the reinforcement of tropes of fragility and the neutralization of resignifications of the female body that emerges from practitioners who focus on the body as the instrument of self-defense.

“La Injuria lesbiana: violencias vividas por mujeres lesbianas en la sociedad queretana” presenta un breve recorrido histórico y político entorno a la construcción patriarcal de la existencia lesbiana que ha fomentado su invisibilización y al mismo tiempo, ha generado información sesgada y limitada que impide entender los tipos y las formas en que se manifiesta la violencia que viven las mujeres lesbianas.
...
“The lesbian Invective: experienced violence by lesbian women in Queretaro society” presents a brief historic and political overlook around the patriarchal discursive construction of lesbian existence, which has encouraged its erasure and, at the same time, has generated limited and slanted information that prevents from understanding of the types and ways in which the violence lived by lesbian women manifests itself.

In recent years, demand for the implementation of the Nordic Model of prostitution, first introduced in
Sweden, has dramatically increased. Radical feminists have worked alongside right-wing anti-choice, anti-LGBTQ
fundamentalists in pushing for this legislation across the UK, Ireland, and mainland Europe. Additionally,
we have seen a rise in 'TERF' (trans exclusionary radical feminism) activism and demands for 'women-born-women'
only spaces, particularly on social media platforms like Twitter.

Is radical lesbian feminism inherently anti-sex work, and anti-sex worker? Is radical lesbian feminism inherently
trans-exclusionary and transmisogynistic? Is the current wave of ‘radical feminism’, which fights for the
criminalisation of sex workers’ clients and against the inclusion of trans women in women’s spaces, really
radical feminism?

This paper explores radical feminism today, and asks if it is a suitable model of feminist activism for the twentyfirst
century, particularly in terms of advancing and protecting the rights of trans people and sex workers. It
interrogates the theoretical basis on which current radical feminism claims to take its authority from, and asks
if radical feminists today are truly helping vulnerable women, or if they are merely contributing to further
marginalisation.

Si eres una adolescente con unos kilos de más, te masturbas con sigilo para no despertar a tu hermano pequeño, vives en Wolverhampton, formas parte de una familia numerosa con una economía precaria, tienes un padre con aspiraciones nunca cumplidas de triunfar en la música, que abusa de la botella, y una madre depresiva, la vida puede ser un asco.

Considering the possibility that there might be something utopic about strip clubs, this paper traces the relays between power and powerlessness, feminism and antifeminism, utopia and dystopia within a broad psychoanalytic framework. It is interested in analyzing the social and psychological stakes for the male heterosexual consumer of strip culture. Strip clubs, this paper argues, are the special site of a masculine debasement amounting to a kind of moral masochism, to use the Freudian typology. The male masochism here is an index of contemporary power and how it is expressed, where what is important is not how much power one can demonstrate, but rather how much one can hold in check, and thus the logic of sadism and masochism, it is argued, is a key to the dynamic relations that inhere in the strip scene. An attempt is made to bring radical feminism in alignment with this analysis of sexualized power and pleasure.

Osobe koje se odaju prostituciji u proseku se kažnjavaju više od 5 puta više u odnosu na korisnike usluga prostitucije, pokazuje analiza osuđujućih sudskih presuda tokom prve godine primene novog Zakona o javnom redu i miru koji se odnosi na prostituciju.
Podsećamo, novi Zakon o javnom redu i miru u članu 16. od početka 2016. godine, pored osoba koje se odaju prostituciji po prvi put inkriminiše i one koji koriste usluge prostitucije.  Pored analize koja obuhvata sve podatke dobijene iz sudskih presuda, uključujući i podatke o rodnoj dimenziji prostitucije, kako kroz podatke o osobama kažnjenim za ovo delo, tako i razliku u kažnjavanju, publikacija obuhvata i teorijska razmatranja fenomena prostitucije, uporedni prikaz različitih načina pravne regulacije prostitucije, kao i preporuke nadležnim institucijama u Srbiji izrađene na osnovu analize.

By the 1970s, America was saturated with sex. A decade of sexual liberation and the commercialisation of women in mainstream media had normalized female subordination by reinforcing gender stereotypes and fostering an epidemic of male sexual violence. However, despite the best efforts of radical visionaries, the anti-pornography campaign has been relegated to the footnotes of feminist history for failing the very women it sought to protect.
In this paper, the author analyses the demise of the anti-pornography movement in its latter years, isolating the socio-political factors that led to a deep divide in the Second Wave and focusing on the impact of the Anti-Pornography Civil Ordinance, its subsequent failure and the rise of sex-positivism in contemporary feminism.