Feminist Theory

What implications does the Srin-mo, a pre-Buddhist deity who traverses across almost all of the periods of time in Tibetan religious life, have on the social status of women? Embodying the places and spaces of Tibet, a malevolent demoness called the Srin-mo has been essential in laying the formation of Tibetan Buddhism. The concept of the Srin-mo can be traced back to the pre-Buddhist religion of Tibet: Bön. The story of the Srin-mo is not a creation myth in the sense of a worldly inception,  but the story of the demoness does represent the creation of a harmonious society, spurring from the preceding time of primordial chaos found amongst the Bön religion. Looking at the origins of the demoness’ story is necessary in order to understand how and why the Srin-mo holds efficacious power over the land and people of Tibet. Here, I will investigate the case of the Srin-mo, which is controversially one of the most important beings in Tibet, but unquestionably, an irrevocable component of understanding what implications geography holds on Tibet.

A growing body of psychological research has examined the effects of armed
and political conflict on children, including, for example, work in Lebanon
(Macksoud, et al.,1996), Palestine (Baker, 1990, 1993; Elbedour et al., 1997; El
Sarraj and Qouta, 2005; Punamaki et al., 2001), South Africa (Dawes, 1990),
Mozambique (Cliff and Noormahomed, 1993), Iraq (Dyregrov, 1993), Cambodia
(Garbarino, 1993), Bosnia (Weine et al., 1995), Angola (McIntyre and Ventura,
1995), Guatemala (Miller, 1996), and Latin America (Allodi, 1989). This article
explores children’s experiences of war within a global political economy of
silence. The goal of this work is to capture children’s complex understandings of,
and responses to, the trauma of ongoing militarization and political occupation as
reflected in their perceptions of the loss of their homes.
By utilizing the voices of children facing attacks against their home/safe space,
this article argues that understanding trauma in conflict zones requires looking
closely at children’s descriptions of their ever-shifting relationships to different
spaces as sites of trauma, resilience and agency. Further, listening to how children
reconstruct their individual and collective histories opens up possibilities
for theorizing social trauma through a feminist and liberationist framework. By
using contextually aware critical theories of feminist and liberation psychology
we draw attention to the intimate connections between history, economic activities,
globalization and globalized social relations (see Burman, 1998; Tickner,
1991; Wilkinson, 1997)

The female terrorist circulates within contemporary Western culture as an object of fascination and heightened concern. Gender and the Political analyses cultural constructions of the female terrorist, arguing that she operates as a limit case of both feminine and feminist agency. Drawing on an interdisciplinary theoretical framework, this book demonstrates that the development of the discourse on terrorism evolves in parallel with, and in response to, radical feminism in the US in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Situated at the borderlines between sexuality, threat and abjection, Amanda Third argues that the figure of the female terrorist compels a reexamination of the project of radical politics and the limits of modernity.

http://www.palgrave.com/page/detail/gender-and-the-political-amanda-third/?K=9781137402752

"A fascinating exploration of the historical twinning of terrorism and feminism in the U.S. By redirecting our attention to these important discourses emerging in the 60's and 70s, this book provides a crucial corrective to counter post 9/11 anxieties that continually project the terrorist as somehow coming from elsewhere." - Jasbir K. Puar, Associate Professor of Women's and Gender Studies, Rutgers University, USA

"Amanda Third's Gender and the Political convincingly argues that the modern concepts of terrorism and feminism are historically and conceptually interwoven. The book does this by reading terrorism studies against the grain while simultaneously positioning the concept of terrorism as a central trope of postmodern thought. These two discourses - the former increasingly foundational to, the latter highly critical of, the modern state and social order - are placed in fruitful conversation with one another, resulting in a deeply illuminating study of the contemporary political terrain in the United States." - Mehmet Döşemeci, Assistant Professor of History, Bucknell University, USA

On the Shoulders of Grandmothers won the 2020 Mirra Komavrsky Book Award from the Eastern Sociological Society (ESS). Through in-depth interviews and ethnographic work with migrant grandmothers caring for the elderly in Italy and California and their adult children in Ukraine, On the Shoulders of Grandmothers investigates how migrant grandmothers built the “new” Ukraine from the outside in through transnational networks. By comparing the experiences of individual migrants in two different migration patterns—one a post-Soviet “exile” of individual women to Italy and the other an “exodus” of families to the United States—Dr. Solari exposes the production of new gendered capitalist economics and nationalisms that precariously place Ukraine between Europe and Russia with implications for the global world order. This global ethnography explains the larger context of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.

To cite:
Wilkins, A. 2017. Rescaling the local: Multi-academy trusts, private monopoly and statecraft in England. Journal of Educational Administration and History, 49 (2), 171-185

For the past six years successive UK governments in England have introduced reforms intended to usher in less aggregated, top-down, bureaucratically overloaded models of service delivery as well as secure conditions for greater school autonomy.  Yet the ‘hollowing out’ of local government has not resulted in less bureaucracy on the ground or less regulation from above, nor has it diminished hierarchy as an organising principle of education governance.  In some cases, monopolies and monopolistic practices dominated by powerful bureaucracies and professional groups persist, albeit realised through the involvement of new actors and organisations from business and philanthropy.  In this paper I adopt a governmentality perspective to explore the political significance of large multi-academy trusts (MATs) – private sponsors contracted by central government to run publicly funded schools – to the generation of new scalar hierarchies and accountability infrastructures that assist in bringing the gaze of government to bear upon the actions of schools that are otherwise less visible under local government management.  On this account, it is argued, MATs are integral to statecraft and the invention and assemblage of particular apparatuses for intervening upon specific organisations, spaces and peoples.

When we—that is, Pavitra and Debashree—sat down to articulate our understanding of a decolonial and feminist media studies, we knew that we were entering a conversation that had long been underway. Anticolonial movements of the twentieth century ousted powerful and globe-spanning modern empires. Postcolonial and decolonial theories helped us understand the epistemic violence that made the material extraction of colonialism possible. They cautioned us that colonialism looked different in different parts of the world, used different weapons, and had different avatars in the present.
As many of the authors in this issue observe, the work of decolonization does not end at a definite historical milestone, and calls to decolonize become defanged when they are appropriated by the very institutions we seek to challenge. The struggle against the colonization of our minds and bodies and lands is ongoing. The task of the feminist media scholar, then, is to enter the struggle midstream and try to make sense of the different currents that make up the turbulence.

Over the last thirty years we have witnessed the emergence, formation and consolidation in Australia of the field of futures studies and foresight. Given its relative population size and geographic isolation from major centres of intellectual activity in Europe and North America, Australia has more than its fair share of futures researchers and practitioners (often called Futurists or Foresight Practitioners). Perhaps even more surprising to some is what the unwritten history reveals. This short piece shows that a significant number of the pioneers and shapers of Australian futures studies were women. Furthermore, a large proportion of futurists, researchers and foresight practitioners in Australia today are women.
The following “annotated time line” covers the last three decades from 1985 to 2015. It has been sectioned into three phases, roughly corresponding with the decades of “Pioneers”, “Institution Building” and “Professional Consolidation”. As we now move into a fourth decade of Australian futures practices we can ask “How will the contributions of Australian women futures researchers and foresight practitioners contribute to, and further develop, the complex futures for Australia and our global society?”

Etika péče je nový a dynamicky se rozvíjející směr morální filosofie. Zatímco tradiční etické systémy zaměřují svou pozornost především na činy a vlastnosti jednotlivců, etika péče vyzdvihuje morální význam vzájemných vztahů osob a skupin. Tato kniha představuje etiku péče jako svébytnou normativní teorii. Virginia Held, jedna z hlavních představitelek tohoto etického směru, v ní objasňuje charakteristické znaky péče a vysvětluje, v čem se etika péče liší od tradičních etických koncepcí, jako jsou kantovská etika, utilitarismus a etika ctností. Held péči vymezuje jako základní morální hodnotu a praxi a uvádí důvody, proč a za jakých okolností by péče měla mít přednost před morálními požadavky spravedlnosti a nestrannosti. Hodnoty péče, důvěry a solidarity zároveň pokládá za vhodný doplněk spravedlnosti či úcty k právům jednotlivce. Kniha se dále věnuje problematice využití etiky péče při řešení sociálních, politických a globálních otázek současnosti – ať už jde o otázky omezení trhu, koncepce školství a zdravotnictví, reformy sociálního státu či globální ekonomické a mocenské nerovnováhy, zde všude má perspektiva péče své přednosti.

Standpoint theory is a social epistemology and aligned methodological stance predicated on the understanding that, as recent work in Science and Technology Studies (STS) has shown, scientific knowledge of all kinds is irreducibly social (e.g., see Science, Sociology of). It is characterized by a distinctive ‘inversion’ thesis according to which those who are marginalized or oppressed, and therefore often discounted as knowers, may in fact be better positioned to understand social relations and a range of other phenomena than those who are comparatively privileged. This thesis underpins research programs within the social and behavioral sciences and offers a rationale for participatory action and community-based collaborative research (PAR, CBPR) captured by critical race theorists, feminists and others who advocate ‘starting research from the margins’. It has also been extended to the biological and physical sciences by practitioners and STS scholars who are intent on understanding how the social relations that structure scientific inquiry shape research agendas and outcomes across the sciences.

El debate social sobre la maternidad subrogada y su repercusión en el cuerpo de las mujeres y sus derechos y libertades, hace que nosotras, EmPoderArte, una asociación de mujeres artistas, elijamos esta temática para un proyecto colectivo de denuncia y reflexión. EmPoderArte propone a través de este proyecto un trabajo de concienciación y visibilización de este tema en los ámbitos culturales y sociales. Queremos plantear un conjunto de cuestiones tanto éticas como jurídicas, que subrayan la posición de vulnerabilidad de las mujeres en estas transacciones comerciales que configuran a las mujeres como objeto de uso y consumo para los demandantes de este «servicio».

As the majority perpetrators of sexual violence, it is plausible to see men as responsible for war rape not only as individuals, but also as collective bystanders, facilitators and beneficiaries. Following recent criticisms of individual legal and moral responsibility for rape as a war crime in international law, this article examines how we might think of war rape as a collective action in moral and sociological terms. First, it assesses existing moral arguments for the responsibility of men in groups for rape, primarily with reference to the work of Claudia Card, Larry May and Robert Strikwerda. Critiquing elements of these arguments, it explores the difficulties in talking about ‘men’ as a coherent group and in discussing ‘collectives’ themselves. Second, the article draws out the connection between accounts of moral responsibility and accounts of causal responsibility. Drawing on critiques of collective responsibility and the long-standing agency/structure problem, it argues that causal accounts focusing on structure pose a serious challenge to ideas of both individual and collective moral responsibility. The complexities of the relationship between moral and causal claims are illustrated through a discussion of Susan Brownmiller and Catharine MacKinnon’s influential perspectives on rape. The seeming paradox of responsibility is emphasised as a problem to be addressed by gender and feminist perspectives that seek to pursue both ethical and sociological inquiry into the workings of masculinity and the political means for undoing gendered wrongs.

Educational research shows a growing interest in "affect as pedagogy", a concept grounded in feminist studies, which focuses on the relationality and materiality of affect. This article addresses the becoming of affect as pedagogy, positioning its inquiry at the crossroads of feminist scholarship and the Deleuzian-Guattarian concept of affect. It presents a postqualitative inquiry that "experiments with" an agentic assemblage of 76 public schools in Brazil, 78 responses to a qualitative survey, 12 teachers interviewed, and the researchers' fieldwork observations. The result of this experiment is a collective narrative organized as a Voice without Organ (VwO), which shows interlocking elements of challenging, disadvantaged educational scenarios and a teaching practice traversed by affect. The VwO answers the question of how affect becomes pedagogy, describing events that can be characterized as embodied history, affective labor, and the capacity to be affected. In these events, an intense connection between bodies occurs. This pedagogy also shows the capacity to affect, by creating affirmative desires that materialize in alternative narratives for the students' futures. In the face of limited and precarious resources, lack of public support, and an environment of violence, affect as futuremaking pedagogy becomes a means of working against exclusion and social injustice.

Enacted February 24, 2014 and effective until August 1, 2014, Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Act targeted Ugandans of minority sexual orientations and gender identities—many of whom self-identify as 'kuchu'—by imposing life sentences for homosexual sex and same-sex marriage. The original Anti-Homosexuality Bill introduced in 2009 promised even worse for kuchus: it would have mandated that all Ugandans report known homosexuals and threatened execution for serial offenders and other perpetrators of “aggravated homosexuality.” In the context of Ugandan political conflict, emerging international human rights norms, and global asymmetries of power, Uganda has become an ideological battlefront where competing actors—both US-based and Ugandan—advance their respective visions of a just and righteous global society. These factors mandate that US-based activists and organizations painstakingly consider how (or whether) they can advocate responsibly and effectively for international human rights related to gender identity and sexual orientation. Through interdisciplinary lenses and critical analysis, this paper explores three questions:

• How is Uganda distinct from other sites of antigay legislation?
• How have US-based organizations impacted Ugandan discourse and policy toward kuchus?
• How can US-based rights advocates and activists campaign for kuchus without doing them further harm?

For the last two decades, my sexual-emotional relationships have happened within what has come to be known as non-monogamy, a field in which I am an activist, theorist, consultant and who knows what else. And despite all that, and despite dedicating body, mind, emotional networks and a great deal of my energy to the matter, I still come up against repeated difficulties in trying to sustain relationships that are plural and healthy for everybody involved. And it’s not just me. The same thing happens to other people in the social circles I’m involved in: anguish, guilt, jealousy, lack of comprehension by those around us… all the psychological horrors get going.
It’s not me and it’s not us: it’s the system.

The response to an uncontrolled spread of disease often incites a commingling of medical, moral, and political panic. Whether in the context of threats presented by early plagues, to contemporary super viruses, to lead toys, contagion, via transmission , makes interconnections visible, among and across peoples, cultures, objects, forms of commerce, and more. In this article, I use an intersectional disability studies framework to first discuss how, faced with the bio-insecurity of contagion, responses typically invoke discourses of war, empire, and what Priscilla Wald calls " medical nativism " (2008, 9). I then discuss how metaphors of autoimmunity often simply shift this discourse from concerns about external terror to that of internal terror (Sengupta 2014). Viewing autoimmunity from this vantage point, the body/nation is still viewed as vulnerable to attack, but the victim and the villain are the self/same. In the final section, I posit that a reimagined ethic of autoimmunity could offer new and fruitful ways to think about self/other relations that rely on mutual recognition and reject the binary, oppositional stance that undergirds annihilation. Keywords: autoimmunity / contagion / intersectional disability studies / metaphors of disease and illness / war metaphors

Questo intervento intende esplorare e problematizzare la rappresentazione delle donne in quanto icone, muse o soggetti passivi, e come esse diventino ricettacolo di proiezioni sociali. Quali strumenti estetici e politici le donne hanno impiegato per riappropriarsi della propria soggettività e autonomia in una cultura visuale patriarcale ed eteronormativa? Attraverso un’analisi critica queer-femminista – e percorrendo le definizioni di sesso, genere e sessualità – questa lectio prende come punto di partenza esempi tratti dai media mainstream per poi allargarsi verso problematiche che riguardano la rappresentazione dei corpi in ambito artistico.

[EN]
'Body, Femininity and Objectification: Queer-Feminist Perspectives'
This presentation explores and problematises how women are usually portrayed as either icons, muses or passive subjects, either way becoming receptacles of social projections. What aesthetic and political tools have women employed to re-frame their own subjectivity and autonomy within a heteronormative and patriarchal visual culture? Through a feminist and queer critical analysis, this lecture will take as its starting point examples drawn from mainstream media, to move towards issues that relate to the representation of bodies in the arts.

-- text available only in Italian --

This paper explores the way in which feminism, whilst trying to achieve gender equality, has increased inequality between women.  It locates the cause of this in feminism's early adoption of Marxist and Engelsian thought and the way in which these two thinkers misconstrued the relationship between private and public domains.

This article examines recent TV (True Blood, The Vampire Diaries) and cinematic stories (Twilight saga) from a feminist perspective. It focuses on the the gender relations and female agency embedded in these stories in order to determine if they conjure up any liberating potential for their audience.

For more than a decade, criticisms levied against Muslims and Islam in Western European countries such as France and the Netherlands have been shielded under the auspices of a call for increased security and a desire to protect liberal secularism. An example of this can be found in the recent move by the Dutch cabinet to implement legislation to ban the burqa in public places such as schools, hospitals, government buildings, and public transportation. The proposed Dutch ban follows the French parliament who implemented similar legislation in 2011 restricting the presence of discernible religious symbols such as burqas and niqabs from the public sphere. In a statement to the press, Prime Minister Mark Rutte, explains the proposed ban " had nothing to do with religion, " but rather it is intended to help facilitate " recognizable communication " (qtd. in " Netherlands Plans "). He clarifies " In a free country like the Netherlands, everyone has the right to dress how they choose, no matter what others think. That freedom is only limited in situations when it is essential for people to look at each other " (qtd. in " Netherlands Plans "). In this statement the restrictions placed on full face-veils are steeped in concerns of contemporary cultural conflict, inflamed by language that claims that Muslim immigrants to the Netherlands need to be better integrated. In France and the Netherlands, full face-veils have become symbols of " religious extremism " that are actively legislated against. As such they are tied to a series of judgments and evaluations that situate them as objectionable cultural objects and indicative of problematic immigrant groups. Defined as " extremist " or " politically dangerous " this vision of full face-veils is based on normative conceptions of the subject. When considered in relation to the secular, violence is done to those who are visibly different, marked by religious symbols that are understood through binaries such as objectionable/unobjectionable, Western/Eastern, Islamic/Christian, religious/secular further problematizing them. These schisms have intensified in the aftermath of 9/11 and the global war on terror creating a rift between secular and religious worldviews. There is no greater symbolic target of this schism between the secular and the religious than the burqa. The polarization of these two groups, secular and religious has gained further strength when they are posited in relation to the nation state. Within this context secularism is invoked as that which protects the state, defines it, and transforms practices related to public and private life via institutions. This paper explores the invocation of normative dispositions of secularism and security in light of the increasing restrictions placed against Muslim women in the public sphere in France and the Netherlands within dominant discourse. Drawing from the draw work of Saba Mahmood, Judith Butler, and Talal Asad I explore how bodies are marked as " different " within public spaces, through a discussion of the schism between the secular/religious. Such an examination is significant as these legislations are some of the most prohibitive in the West.

¿Cómo pudo ocurrir que la institucionalización de los derechos de las mujeres posibilitara  la violación de los derechos reproductivos de las mujeres indígenas?  Esta tesis empieza con el establecimiento del PNSRPF 1996-2000 (Plan de planificación familiar) que fue parte de una campaña por los derechos de la mujer en el Perú fujimorista y causa de las esterilizaciones forzadas de más de  diez mil mujeres campesinas.  En esta tesis examino la memoria histórica del movimiento feminista peruano con el objetivo de comprender los factores que permitieron la vulnerabilidad de las campesinas dentro del marco de una campaña por los derechos de la mujer.  El movimiento feminista peruano puede mostrar tres dimensiones de los derechos humanos: los reproductivos y sexuales; los humanos y ciudadanos, y los derechos políticos.  Sin embargo, ninguno de estos  pudo responder a la condición interseccional de la identidad de las campesinas y a su exclusión inclusiva como ciudadanas.  Aun cuando se pensaba que  los derechos protegían a “todas las mujeres” o a “todos los peruanos” estos paradigmas aislaron los proyectos de derechos específicos que permitieron la invisibilidad de las campesinas.

This article discusses the acquisition of a physical impairment/disability through voluntary body modification, or transability. From the perspectives of critical genealogy and feminist intersectional analysis, the article considers the ability and cis*/trans* axes in order to question the boundaries between trans and transabled experience and examines two assumptions impeding the conceptualization of their placement on the same continuum: 1) trans studies assume an able-bodied trans identity and able-bodied trans subject of analysis; and 2) disability studies assume a cis* disabled identity. The perception of transsexuality and transability as mutually exclusive phenomena results from a non-intersectional analysis of transsexuality as an issue of sex/gender, but not ability, and of transability as an issue of ability, but not sex/gender. Difficulty recognizing continuities between these phenomena thus stems from an ableist interpretation of sex/gender and a cis(gender)normative* interpretation of ability. This article aims to: 1) enrich intersectional analysis in trans and disability studies and transability scholarship; 2) complicate disability studies, in which disabilities are often presumed “involuntary”, and encourage the decentering of a cis* subject; 3) encourage trans studies to decenter an able-bodied subject; and 4) advocate for increased dialogue and the creation of alliances between trans and disability studies and movements.

Link: http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/hypa.12113/abstract

Article link: https://read.dukeupress.edu/environmental-humanities/article/11/1/216/138278/Toxic-BodiesTicks-Trans-Bodies-and-the-Ethics-of


Tracing ticks in two different artworks and Leslie Feinberg’s activist writing, I take my lead in this article from philosopher Donna Haraway and her suggestion to think about engagement with the environment through an “ethics of response-ability.” By deploying close readings, I will discuss the affects represented in the video installation Act on Instinct (2013) by Elin Magnusson, a sequence of the film Something Must Break (2014) by Ester Martin Bergsmark, and blog entries from the “Lyme Series” by the late trans activist Leslie Feinberg. Through these works, I explore the meaning of this correlation between ticks and transing bodies for environmental ethics as well as for the forging of livable lives for trans people. Toxicity surfaces as a link in these works. The notion of feminist figuration, developed by philosopher Rosi Braidotti among others, allows me to discuss toxicity as a material-discursive figuration, which highlights how human societies in a western context approach the body of the Other, in this case the transgender body as a human-Other and the tick as animal-Other. As a figuration, toxicity then becomes a shared meeting site that helps to problematize the western pathologization of trans bodies and asks what ethics emerge in this proximity between ticks and trans bodies. Toxicity exists in the discussed works in particular as a complex material-discursive trajectory. Although some discourses on toxicity uphold social hierarchies and racist assumptions, as illustrated by Mel Y. Chen, for example, the works here seem to reappropriate the status of the toxic body as a strategy for adjustment and alliance and a site of ethical engagement with the world. The tick will be my guide in weaving together stories of different bodies and of what Deborah Bird Rose and Thom van Dooren call the “unloved other.”

What does the development of a truly robust contemporary theory of domination require? Ashley J. Bohrer argues that it is only by considering all of the dimensions of race, gender, sexuality, and ability within the structures of capitalism and imperialism that we can understand power relations as we find them nowadays. Bohrer explains how many of the purported incompatibilities between Marxism and intersectionality arise more from miscommunication rather than a fundamental conceptual antagonism. As the first monograph entirely devoted to this issue, "Marxism and Intersectionality" serves as a tool to activists and academics working against multiple systems of domination, exploitation, and oppression.

Can militarisation and securitisation really be reconciled with feminism? Here, I argue that since 9/11, feminism, or particular strands of feminism that are dominant in the West, have been increasingly instrumentalised by the US and UK governments and NATO to justify continuing military and political intervention in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and the Arab World, to normalise violence against Muslim men that is illegal under international law and to even increase the “effectiveness” of counterinsurgency measures in these countries.

Within interpersonal and family communication, researchers have tended to construct and describe LGBTQ relationships in regards to a heterosexual norm. A review of recent research reveals the conceptual limitations of this framework, “outing” heteronormativity’s influence on our understandings of non-heterosexual relationships. The author outlines the challenges of “queering” interpersonal and family communication research and argues that feminist theory can contribute to this process by (1) revealing the heteronormative assumptions perpetuated by dyadic models of communication, (2) challenging the public/private bifurcation, (3) complicating notions of identity, and (4) emphasizing intersectionality. The article concludes by discussing the implications a feminist queer perspective holds for interpersonal and family communication pedagogies and research.

South Asia is a region with unity in diversity, having at least twenty different dominant languages and over two hundred basic dialects. And yet, most of South Asia continues to remain economically poor and "developing" with gender disparity remaining a real concern at the heart of South Asian unity. The 2019 Global Hunger Index ranks all the major South Asian countries in the "serious" category with Sri Lanka coming in 66th, Nepal 73rd, Bangladesh 88th, Pakistan 94th, and India 102nd out of 117 countries. Women suffer the most, as they have to bear the direct burden of gender inequality and, as a consequence, children experience malnutrition. The 2018 Global Nutrition Report states that on average 49 percent of reproductive-age women in South Asia have anemia, and the prevalence of stunting in the population of children under-five is 32.7 percent, which is significantly greater than the global average of 21.9 percent. There is no data available for those who identify as nonbinary, and there is a long way to go before the data gap can be filled despite the official recognition of "third" gender people in Pakistan, Bangladesh, India, and Nepal. Ironically, in spite of the official recognition of a nonheteronormative gender identity, homosexuality has yet to be decriminalized in most of South Asia with the exception of Nepal and India, having decriminalized homosexuality in 2007 and 2018, respectively. To read more: https://milnepublishing.geneseo.edu/genderedlives/chapter/chapter-3-introducing-the-region/

Erica Brausen's life has hiterto been obscured by history and academic neglect. In this thesis I have written an academic biography of Brausen and a history of the Hanover Gallery. I have looked at the artists of the canon whose careers were closely linked to the Hanover. I have also argued the importance and impact of the Hanover Gallery to the representation of queer artists and
imagery in London from 1948-1973.

Please contact me for the full paper.

As the literature on the economic abuse of women in Arabic contexts is quite limited, we aimed to detect the correlation between this economic abuse and a variety of demographic variables. Specifically, we considered women’s age, education, income, number of children, and length of marriage, as well as the husband’s education and employment status. We distributed questionnaires that included the economic, psychological, and community composite abuse scales to 500 married working women in the capital of Amman, Jordan. The results revealed that the economic abuse of women decreased as their education levels and length of marriage increased, as long as the husband worked full-time. In addition, a husband’s high education level would also increase the likelihood of economic abuse. Most importantly, the findings showed that economic abuse definitively heightened the probability of intimate partner violence (psychological, emotional, and physical abuse, as well as harassment).

"In recent years new applications emerged on the Web which received the labels Web2.0 or social software. In many of these applications people are engaged in epistemic activities, such as the dissemination, organization or creation of knowledge. The goal of this thesis is to analyze the epistemological relevance of such epistemic social software. Because communication and interaction between multiple agents seems to be the key to understand the epistemic processes within such systems, social epistemology, the philosophical discipline exploring the ways and the extent to which knowledge is social, was chosen as a theoretical framework. However, none of the existing comprehensive social epistemologies delivers a sufficient framework to analyze epistemic social software. Therefore, I have developed a new socio-epistemological framework to analyze epistemic social software which is rooted in socio-epistemological discourse, but amends it with insights from the field of Science and Technology Studies (STS).

My framework is founded on a tripartite classification of socio-technical epistemic system based on the mechanisms they employ to close socio-epistemic processes. These three mechanisms are integration, aggregation and selection. With this classification I do not aim at reducing the differences between systems to their mechanisms of closure. However, I argue that the classification based on this indicator is heuristically fruitful. Systems employing different mechanisms of closure depend on different social, technical and epistemic prerequisites, have different strengths and weaknesses and are optimal for different epistemic tasks. My model puts a fact into the focus that has been neglected so far in social epistemology: the technical and its relationship to the social and the epistemic. Since most epistemic practices are nowadays pervaded by technologies, such a consideration of the role of technologies in these practices seems to be indispensable for any social epistemology that aims at being not only normatively appropriate, but also empirically adequate."

La crisi dei tradizionali modelli e strumenti di cura deriva da uno squilibrio sempre meno sostenibile tra famiglia e lavoro? O ci troviamo di fronte a una crisi sociale, politica, economica e culturale assai più vasta e profonda, di cui la trasformazione della cura sarebbe solo un elemento, difficile da isolare rispetto ad altri? Attraverso la ricostruzione dei diversi momenti storici in cui la cura entra in crisi e dei movimenti politici che ne evidenziano le contraddizioni -- in particolare i vari femminismi -- Nancy Fraser propone la sua visione del capitalismo contemporaneo e del modello neoliberale di femminismo.

This was a research paper for a course entitled Feminist and Multicultural Theologies. I unpack what gender complementarianism is, examine its history, and compare it to how Scripture and earlier Christian Tradition understood gender. This allows me to establish that gender complementarianism is a recent innovation in secular and Christian thinking about gender, and that it can be described as a "trajectory" from Scripture and Tradition on gender, influenced by social, ideological, and intellectual developments in secular societies. I then pursue a critique of gender complementarianism, arguing that it is an "unsatisfactory trajectory" because it has troubling implications for orthodox theology, is not borne out by empirical experience and observation, and has harmful effects on human beings and societies and on ethical development.