International organizations

L’étude des travaux préparatoires du Pacte de la Société des Nations invite à revenir aux origines d’une controverse qui est toujours au centre de problèmes actuels, comme celui de la réforme du Conseil de Sécurité ou celui de la focalisation de la justice pénale internationale sur les ressortissants d’Etats faibles et anciennement colonisés. Cette controverse tourne autour de la question de savoir comment assurer l’efficacité d’une organisation internationale universelle sans institutionnaliser par là un impérialisme arbitraire, ou sans faire perdre toute indépendance à des Etats représentant des peuples soucieux de s’autodéterminer. En 1919, lors de l’élaboration de l’instrument fondateur de la première organisation de maintien de la paix à vocation universelle, quelle réponse fut apportée à cette question et pourquoi ?
Le Pacte et la Société qu’il établit sont connus pour leur inefficacité à prévenir la Seconde Guerre mondiale, et il n’est pas spécialement méconnu qu’ils véhiculaient un certain impérialisme de la part des vainqueurs du premier conflit mondial. Dans un très grand nombre de travaux toutefois, le Pacte est présenté de manière plus précise comme le projet idéaliste et désintéressé du Président américain Woodrow Wilson, qui n’est malheureusement pas parvenu à imposer une organisation efficace à des partenaires plus réticents. D’origine principalement états-unienne, cette présentation consiste à dénoncer dans le conservatisme européen la source de l’inefficacité du projet porté par le Président des Etats-Unis. Une telle vision des choses est radicalement infirmée par l’examen des projets de Pacte, et par celui du contexte et du déroulement de sa négociation. En effet, plutôt qu’en une véritable concertation multilatérale, la négociation du Pacte consista grosso modo en l’imposition d’un compromis entre Britanniques et Etats-uniens aux Français, puis aux autres Etats membres de la Commission où le Pacte se négociait officiellement, et enfin aux autres Etats présents à la Conférence de Paris. En outre, les négociations montrent que la position de Woodrow Wilson était tournée vers les intérêts de son pays et même vers les siens propres, et qu’il est l’un des principaux responsables de la faiblesse des institutions de la Société. Ainsi, les défauts du Pacte et de la Société étaient déjà connus pour la plupart d’entre eux, et leurs principaux remèdes, présentés par plusieurs délégations et fermement défendus par la délégation française, ne furent pas adoptés en raison de l’opposition opiniâtre des délégations britanniques et états-uniennes. Au nom d’une certaine idée de la souveraineté étatique, celles-ci firent le choix de s’opposer aux transferts de compétences qui auraient permis à la Société de réagir efficacement en cas d’usage de la force.
Si l’inefficacité du Pacte découle des choix faits en ce sens par les Etats en position de force en 1919, l’intégration dans la Charte des Nations Unies des propositions innovantes avancées durant les négociations du Pacte (concernant l’efficacité de l’organisation, les droits de l’homme ou la justice pénale internationale) découle quant à elle du choix inverse faits par les mêmes Etats en 1945.

"Since its very inception, social work has been considered an organizationally based profession, with the majority of its workforce employed within formal organizations. Whether in nonprofit, for-profit, or governmental agencies, the practical realities of human service organizations are a central element of professional social work. This book explores the climate and culture of these agencies and provides essential information for surviving and thriving in this setting. It prepares students for their future careers so that they will feel empowered in their work and be able to fulfill their responsibilities toward organizational, community, and social change. Using real-life examples, the authors examine the internal structures of management, financing, and supervision and discuss common conflicts between agencies and professionals. The book’s straightforward tone and practical advice make it an asset to anyone entering human service organizations.

This new edition contains updated examples, case studies, and references. It also contains valuable information on the effects of the recent financial crisis on human service organizations. Agencies now face increased caseloads and more complex social problems with fewer resources and less money. Understanding how these events have changed the nature of human service organizations will allow students to be better prepared for the work ahead of them.

Features

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Expanded content on the practical aspects of organizational theory and suggestions for developing leadership skills
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Updated examples, case studies, and references throughout the book
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Key points and discussion questions following each chapter
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Updated instructor’s manual available online as a PDF or Word document"

The ineffective governance, irresponsible management, and poor company performance will ‎continue ‎to ‎ravage the businesses, shareholders, employees, and the society, where the ‎perpetrators go free, careers come to a halt, ‎shareholders ‎lose money, suppliers are out of ‎business, and employees struggle to make ends meet. However, running an organization in today’s world is becoming quite a complicated endeavor. When ‎managers reach out to gain theoretical or practical advice they quickly realize that the sum total of available ‎knowledge is fragmented, narrowly relevant or mostly impractical. ‎Thereore, there is a need for a profoundly simple, coherent, and all-encompassing advice

This whitepaper provides a legal analysis to align the 1972 World Heritage Convention and the UNESCO Constitution and its commitment to human rights and fundamental freedoms. It sets out recommendations for UNESCO, the World Heritage governing bodies, and States Parties to ensure properties on the World Heritage List and Tentative Lists are not sites of serious, systematic violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law.

During the 1990s and 2000s, a policy known as Education with Community Participation (EDUCO) not only became the cornerstone of education reform in El Salvador but also became a global education policy, one which is known for decentralizing to rural families the responsibility for hiring and firing teachers. As is shown in this paper, its rise to fame was not only a product of the particular political-economic context in which it was borne, but was also a product of the impact evaluations produced by the World Bank, which served as the evidence base through which this and other international institutions could legitimately promote the neoliberal model of community involvement represented by EDUCO. Problematically, however, a reappraisal of these impact evaluations reveals, first, that their findings and conclusions around significant effects were not warranted and, second, that the entire impact evaluation enterprise is fundamentally flawed due to the financial-political-intellectual complex out of which these studies emerged and back into which they fed as they were used to advocate for market-oriented policy solutions around the world. Thus, in addition to explaining the reform dynamics that gave rise to EDUCO, this paper (a) systematically reviews the findings and limitations of each of the six impact studies that constitute the international knowledge base around this policy, (b) reconsiders what we can reasonably claim to know about EDUCO, (c) reflects on the national and international implications of the critical review presented here, and (d) remarks on the shortcomings of—and the alternatives to—impact evaluations as a
means to produce policy-relevant findings.

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

The most recent transformation of world order is often depicted as a shift from a Westphalian to a post-Westphalian era in which international organizations are becoming increasingly independent sites of authority. This internationalization of authority is often considered as an indication of the constitutionalization of the global legal order. However, this article highlights that international organizations can also exercise authority in an authoritarian fashion that violates the same constitutionalist principles of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law that international organizations are usually expected to promote. It is thus an open question which post-Westphalia we are in fact heading to: a constitutionalized order, an authoritarian order, or a combination of both? Based on a conceptualization of post-Westphalian orders as a two-dimensional continuum linking the ideal-typical end points of constitutionalism and authoritarianism, we analyze the United Nations security s...

This chapter provides a historical background to the present book and contributes to the international literature about the RoC by exploring the important drivers behind the country’s foreign policy, from 1960 to 2004. These drivers encompass not only the unfolding of the Cyprus Problem and important international developments but also the concepts of national survival and prosperity. The present overview is done through the prism of the RoC’s relations with international organisations and adopts a
thematic structure to tie together the drivers behind the RoC’s alignment (or not) with key international organisations. This approach accommodates the better understanding of the country’s international orientation at various periods of its Modern History.

Investigations into the political economy of globalization usually concentrate upon three related developments—the expansion of international trade and the growth in transnational production, including the rise of transnational corporations;  the creation of a world-wide market for finance and credit;  and finally, the development of regimes and institutions of global economic governance.  By comparison, the role and significance of labour and labourers tends to be neglected in most studies. Yet, from its very inception, the process of globalization has been marked by the different methods of organizing work and organizing the activity of workers themselves.

This volume goes some way in restoring labour to a proper place in the globalization literature. The title 'Globalizing Labour' has a dual meaning. On the one hand it refers to increasing connectedness of workers and work as the globalization of integrated trade, financial and production systems merges economic activity from around the world. Labour is globalizing in the sense that it is connected to world-wide production and exchange structures. On the other hand, the title refers to the activities of workers themselves as their political and economic activities influence broader globalization structures. Labour is globalizing in the sense that workers are themselves building organizational links between different communities and are engaging global power structures whether they be globalizing corporations or international organizations. This volume introduces the subject of labour and globalization by examining four elements of the relationship. Firstly, the historical relationship between labour and globalization is briefly reviewed. Secondly, the condition of various forms of labour since the end of the Cold War is surveyed. Thirdly, the issue of labour, the state and regulation of globalizing corporations is highlighted. The volume concludes with some thoughts on key issues facing global labour in the twenty-first century.

The purpose of this article is to review spirituality at work literature and to explore how spirituality improves employees’ performances and organizational effectiveness. The article reviews about 140 articles on workplace spirituality to review their findings on how spirituality supports organizational performance. Three different perspectives are introduced on how spirituality benefits employees and supports organizational performance based on the extant literature: (a) Spirituality enhances employee well-being and quality of life; (b) Spirituality provides employees a sense of purpose and meaning at work; (c) Spirituality provides employees a sense of interconnectedness and community. The article introduces potential benefits and caveats of bringing spirituality into the workplace; providing recommendations and suggestions for practitioners to incorporate spirituality positively in organizations.

The European Union (EU) has closely correlated different aspects of the peace process in Bosnia with progress towards European accession. The ‘power of attraction’ of EU membership would presumably induce the Bosnian authorities to accept the adaptation costs of political and economic transformation. However, the Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. The track record of the EU’s policies towards Bosnia represents a paradigmatic case of what would happen if almost nothing works as efficiently as in the case of the countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. The article investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not effectively responded to three challenges: 1) adjust the process to the needs of an ethnically divided post-war state; 2) preserve the credibility of accession conditionality, and 3) convey the proper messages on how to comply with EU rules. Therefore, the article argues for a more cohesive and consistent EU approach towards Bosnia.

Among the deficiencies demonstrated by the world financial crisis of 2008–9, one was the limited capacity of G-8 to provide for global economic governance. The developed economies quickly realised that they should seek joint solutions and coordinated policies in cooperation with the leading emerging-market economies. As a result, the G-20 turned into the main forum for managing the crisis. This in fact pointed to an early institutional acknowledgement that important changes were underway in the global distribution of power. These changes derive from the substantially higher growth rates of the emerging-market economies in comparison with those of the developed economies, a trend named ‘the rise of the rest’ (Zakaria, 2008, pp. 2–3).

This article argues that the post-Dayton political organisation of Bosnia represents an exemplary illustration of the difficulties associated with the empirical application of the pluralist model of “consociational democracy”. The country’s political system has been predicated on the existence of consensus and the spirit of cooperation among the three ethnic groups without, however, offering any electoral or political incentives to their leaderships to cooperate. Also, the inclusion of several elements to the Dayton accords of a partition approach to conflict resolution has even encouraged the ethnic leaderships to maintain their nationalistic programs and their endeavours to exploit the aforementioned power-sharing arrangements. Indeed, the structural deficiencies of the Dayton agreement have permitted nationalists to continue implementing their ethnic
agendas and have accounted for the slow progress towards the implementation of the Bosnian peace process. Therefore, this article elaborates on the international policies in Bosnia, aimed at transforming the country into a viable multiethnic state, and highlights the significance of motivations for implementing the peace process.

The act of gas flaring in Nigeria began with production of crude oil in 1958, and has since engendered serious trans-boundary environmental, energy, economic and health implications. This has led to the adoption of zero-gas flaring policy in 2003 in line with the domestication of related international initiatives and treaties in Nigeria. However, oil joint venture partnerships between Nigeria’s NNPC and international oil corporations (IOCs) from the United States of America, Britain, France and the Netherlands in oil production flared 514,779,616 standard cubic feet (scf) of associated gas out of 619,032,858 scf of total associated gas flared in 2011. Available records indicate that Nigeria’s oil joint venture partners prioritized profits through increase in oil production without relating oil production to the capacity of gas utilization facilities required to meet policy deadline. This study focused on the effects of oil joint venture partnerships on the enforcement of zero-gas flaring policy in Nigeria, 2003-2011. The specific objectives were to: (i) determine whether equity arrangements of the oil joint operation agreements hindered the implementation of zero-gas flaring policy in Nigeria, (ii) ascertain whether the budgeting process of the oil joint venture operations impeded the adoption of effective gas flare elimination strategies in Nigeria, and (iii) establish whether funding of NNPC’s participation in oil joint venture partnerships constrained financing of associated gas utilization facilities in Nigeria. The study adopted the rentier state theory as the theoretical framework and ex-post-facto research design. The study also made use of secondary data sourced from books, journals, conference papers and official documents from the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), the World Bank, Global Gas Flaring Reduction Partnership (GGFRP), the Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI), the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), and the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). The study used logical induction to analyze the data. The major findings were that: (i) the equity arrangements of the oil joint operation agreements hindered the implementation of zero-gas flaring policy in Nigeria, (ii) the budgeting process of the oil joint venture operators impeded the adoption of effective gas flare elimination strategies in Nigeria, and (iii) the inadequate funding of NNPC’s participation in oil joint venture partnerships constrained financing of associated gas flaring utilization facilities in Nigeria. The recommendations were: (i) restructuring the equity arrangements of the oil joint venture partners in order to effectively implement zero-gas flaring policy, (ii) reforming the budgeting process of the joint venture operators for adopting effective gas flaring elimination strategies, and (iii) sufficient funding of NNPC participation in the joint venture partnerships necessary for adequately financing associated gas utilization projects.

GLOBALIZATION AND STATE SOVEREIGNTY
By Essien Ukpe Ukoyo Ukpe,
Department of Political Science, Akwa Ibom State University,
Obio Akpa Campus, Akwa Ibom State
E-Mail: essienukpe@yahoo.com, GSM: 08167960417; 08023515344


ABSTRACT

Globalization unarguably has many advantages, but the disadvantages far outweigh the advantages. The hopes in the early 1990s that growing international economic interdependence would provide the basis for a peaceful world order have not come to fruition. Worst of all, globalization leads to the diminution of states’ sovereignty thereby exposing weaker nations to the vagaries of economic manipulations of international financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade Organization. These organizations which are agents of globalization, founded and controlled by the highly industrialized nations have not the survival of the weaker nations at heart. Consequently, weak economic nations are put to the worst in the world system due to the high cost of economic globalization. This paper recommends that weak economies should first build strong economic base for their countries before opening up their economies to the international market economy if they are going to survive the global holocaust.

The internationalists of the last century are, it turns out, quite relevant to our current crisis: they helped us get here, and they offer us no way out.

A review of Oona Hathaway and Scott Shapiro, The Internationalists: How A Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World (Simon & Schuster, 2017).

A randomization method is developed for the calculation of covariation between multiple variables that are linked nonlinearly to a dependent variable. Covariation is a phenomenon often invoked in the study of movement coordination to capture the fact that in coordinated movement the outcome shows greater than expected consistency from the variability in the component processes. However, in most cases, the problem is that more than two variables covary in a nonlinear fashion, which makes quantification with the bivariate linear covariation and correlation coefficient inapplicable. This paper presents a generalization of the calculation of linear bivariate covariance using a variant of a randomization method that is based on the comparison between the empirically measured variability in the outcome and a covariation-free variability. The latter can be estimated by permuting data sets. A generalized correlation coefficient is derived, and it is shown how errors of estimation can be qua...

Dr David Roberts argues that matters normally prioritized as security issues in international politics, such as terrorism and nuclear weapons, cause very limited harm, and that preventable global infant and maternal mortality, counted in the millions, is dismissed from security agendas by policy makers, who are mostly white, mostly male, and mostly secure. He will argue that the security needs of the most vulnerable do not resonate with the people who determine what security those people can have; and that international law does not apply to the public institutions which most undermine human security. Dr Roberts will propose a fast-working solution to this dilemma that will reduce the scale of deaths substantially almost overnight, and will identify the means by which this change can be effected.

The killing of Mahmoud al-Mabhou reportedly by agents of Israel‟s Mossad service in Dubai a year ago1 serves as a quick reminder that extrajudicial executions, assassinations and other targeted killing operations are taking place and are part of a modern democracy‟s arsenal of antiterrorism and counter-terrorism means. Targeted Killing Operations reportedly form part of NATO‟s operational practice: depending on the circumstances they represent just another option of the lawful use of force in an armed conflict or assimilated situations. Consequently, it is argued that International Law does not impose an explicit ban on the lethal neutralization of certain persons in an armed conflict scenario. This opinion provides a provocative view on possible justifications using targeted killing as an actual means of present day security operations – which must not be confused with traditional methods of domestic „policing‟ in a democratic state.

This article aims to analyze the World Conference on Human Rights (Vienna, 1993) as a landmark in the human rights field. The goal is to discuss two hypotheses. First, that the Conference played an important role in the dissemination of human rights as an issue-area in international relations. Second, that the Conference contributed to the process of “relaxation of sovereignty”. The article is divided into three parts: the background to the Conference; the relationship between human rights and state sovereignty in the international system; the third section aims to connect the two hypotheses based on the debates of the Conference. The goal is not to analyze the Conference itself, but rather to demonstrate the trends that were empowered and unleashed by it in relation to the two hypotheses.

This guidance is intended for Volunteer and Technical Communities (V&TCs) and tech groups that have a desire to collaborate with Formal Humanitarian Organizations. We hope that it best fits the needs of V&TCs and tech groups that currently seek practical advice on how  to develop projects with formal humanitarian organizations or how to further strengthen pre-existing collaborative relationships. We hope that this Guidance helps V&TCs better understand the modus operandi of humanitarian organizations so that they may better formulate requests for partnerships and maximize the benefits of collaborative relationships.

El concepte de Seguretat Humana és present avui dia en la majoria d'anàlisis de les ciències socials, i es caracteritza per ser un terme amb significats molt variats i amplis. Tot i això, el concepte presenta una força que radicaria, d'una banda, en la seva capacitat per definir una nova realitat en la qual l'Estat no pot continuar el seu monopoli en les qüestions relatives a la seguretat (es passa de la Seguretat Nacional a la Humana), i de l'altra, en el seu potencial per construir sinèrgies i sumar esforços amb l'objectiu d'aconseguir el canvi social.

D'aquesta manera, la idea de Seguretat Humana ha estat capaç d'aglutinar moviments socials, intel·lectuals i diplomàtics a l'hora de situar les persones en el centre dels debats i també de les polítiques, i en ella conflueixen diferents perspectives com el desarmament, el desenvolupament o els drets humans. En aquesta monografia, de manera rigorosa però també molt propera a la realitat dels col·lectius afectats, s'analitza el concepte de Seguretat Humana i Construcció de Pau a Colòmbia a través d'una sèrie d'articles que tracten de forma àmplia totes les propostes i alternatives que s'estan donant avui dia al país. Així, s'analitzen, entre altres temes, la política de Seguretat Democràtica, la seguretat ciutadana i les estratègies d'intervenció policial, la militarització de la societat amb la irrupció d'actors poc visualitzats com els mercenaris, la seguretat alimentària i mediambiental, amb especial incidència en els recursos hídrics, la participació de la societat civil en els processos de pau, i les propostes dels pobles indígenes del Cauca i afrodescendents del Pacífic en Construcció de Pau i Drets Humans.

The first chapter of the paper elaborates the question of whether one of the constitutive elements of the internationally wrongful act and a precondition for responsibility could be embodied in an existence of damage that has to be inflicted upon participants with international legal personality. In this regards legal doctrine, the arbitral awards, international judgments as well as the works of the UN International Law Commission will be examined, particularly the Draft Articles on Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts and the Draft Articles on the Responsibility of International Organisations from 2001 and 2011, respectively. An interesting question could be raised concerning the terms used in Law on Responsibility and that is whether there is a difference between damage, injury, and unlawful consequence. Punitive or penal damage and its application in Law on Responsibility will be further assessed. The author will begin its research with the definition of pun...

In this article, we adopt a socio-anthropological approach to understand how hegemonic international representations are constructed in the politics and theory of international relations, specifically how Southeast Europe is perceived in West European imagination. We focus on various forms of travel writing, media reporting, diplomatic record, policy making, truth claims and expert accounts related to different narrative perspectives on the Balkan wars, both old (1912-1913) and new (1991-1999). We show how these perspectives are rooted in different temporalities and historicizations, and how they contribute to international representations that affect international politics, particularly in relation to perpetuating othering and containment of Southeast Europe. We demonstrate through a detailed analysis and problematization how these international representations are culturally and politically constructed. They do not neutrally refer to a reality in the world; they create a reality of their own. As such, how international representations are constructed is itself a form of power and hegemony in both the practice and the theory of international relations.