Visual propaganda

Dünyada ve ülkemizde terör yeni medya ilişkilerini inceleyen araştırmalarda nicel ve nitel yöntemler kullanılarak, belirlediği konular hakkında derinlikli bilgiler sunmuştur. Ancak örgütün bazı propaganda araçlarını dışarıda bırakmaları nedeniyle büyük resme ilişkin bilgi verme konusunda yetersiz kalmaktadırlar. Bu çalışmada ile örgütün kullandığı tüm yeni medya araçlarını inceleyerek örgütün yeni medya kullanımı, iletişim stratejisi dijital yayınlar, videolar ve sosyal medya paylaşımları üzerinden bütünlüklü bir şekilde incelenmiştir. Böylelikle mecralar arasındaki ilişkiler ve benzerlikler ortaya konulabilmiştir.

На архивных материалах рассказывается о подготовке в Челябинском областном краеведческом музее выставки, посвящённой столетней годовщине битвы на Чудском озере. Подготовка проводилась в 1942 году в условиях полного отсутствия средневековых артефактов в музейных запасниках.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas per vizualias medijas perduodamos informacijos poveikis
auditorijai. Apžvelgiama propagandos termino kilmė ir reikšmė XX a. politiniame gyvenime,
taip pat analizuojamas propagandos ir masių medijos santykis demokratinėse
ir autoritarinėse valstybėse. Straipsnyje aptariama kultūrinių simbolių, stereotipų bei
reprezentacijų reikšmė animacijoje ir jais kuriama metafizinė tikrovė. Konkrečių animacijos
pavyzdžių analize atskleidžiama propaganda net vaikams skirtoje trumpojoje
animacijoje.

This has been my research paper of applying for PhD in photography in the University for the Creative Arts in England, but rejected in May 2018.

Based on an interdisciplinary methodology, this doctoral research aims to critically analyze and arguably understand the signification of propaganda in some artistic elements realized and used or abused by the artists and the Statesmen/women. Because the dissertation takes an interdisciplinary approach through library research, it relies on several disciplines and methodologies: art, journalism, political philosophy and science.                     
In order to limit in time and space for its academic purposes, the dissertation is relying on photography and image that the Federal Government of the United States of America and the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) are universally using in their propagandist agenda in the War on Terror and the establishment of a New Caliphate. In other words, it tries to know why and how these States are falsifying reality to either hide or justify their violence (particularly torture, rape, slavery, and genocide) through visual propaganda. It is also aware of the controversial concept of propaganda as art, since it would examine the debates among the artists, thinkers, and politicians regarding the use or abuse of art in public brainwashing whereby a governor is able to commit any State crime in the name of God, justice, liberty, or democracy.
Why does this research undertake to understand visual propaganda made by the US Government and the ISIS? First, both political institutions have enormous political, economic, social, scientific, and artistic power to manipulate public opinion nationally and internationally. They are both relying on ideological brainwashing, which means democracy and religion. Third, they have some artists, including image specialists, and scientists who help them in their conquest of the world. Finally, they are perfectly using carious mass communication tools, particularly the Internet or even new one in the future, to propagate some falsified information, images, and documents in war against each other.
The use of visual arts and the employment of artists by the States for a propagandist agenda are not obviously a new phenomenon. For instance, the Behistun Inscription constitutes a piece of propaganda establishing Darius’s right to rule. If visual propaganda has a long history of painting, sculpturing, and graphing as the existence of the State itself, the emergence and development of the Internet by the Third and Fourth Industrial Revolutions, particularly after the September 11 attacks, has given an unlimited dimension to propaganda in its both quantitative and qualitative aspects through the mass media like Google, Facebook, Twitter, and Telegram. Government photography has thus found a huge laboratory in a planetary dimension in which some photographers have embraced certain new and inestimable opportunities to mix their artistic aspiration with political and economic aspirations. This modern visual job requires that the governors and photographers work together to falsify reality in an artistic and political manner that we regard as propaganda. In this regard, all people around the world have ceaselessly become the target of propagandist images, since propaganda by photography needs no specific language, and images are easily propagating everywhere without any geographical limitation, thanks to the digital power of the State as, for example, disclosed by Snowden.     
Those symbiotic relationships between governance and art, which we can call “political photography”, would cause many questions to which the dissertation tries to reply, such as what is the demarcation line between governance and art? Does the State, i.e. the US Government and the ISIS in our case, need the photographers to manipulate public opinion in its crime against existence? If the answer is positive, how does it use them? Should be any separation between photography and governance? What is the responsibility of photographers in governance in its propagandist agenda? Should the society consider any complicity of artists in State crime realized or facilitated by photographic propaganda? Does the civil society have any power to limit or to destroy visual propaganda?
There are some original aspects in this research project. Firstly, if American propaganda is well documented, especially after the Second World War, it has currently obtained new aspects after 9/11 whereby the USA has been attacked for first time in its own territory. Secondly, the ISIS is nearly a new terrorist organization with universal power of recruiting and using the jihadists of terror and massacre around the world through some sophisticated images invoking Islam. Indeed, despite its limited history, the ISIS has proved that it can use visual media very effectively for its propaganda and theatrical violence. Finally, it seems that the physical death of the US Government and the ISIS cannot unfortunately result in the disappearance of their visual propaganda, because – as, for example, Neo-Nazism has already shown – the visual elements of their propaganda help their ideologies to come into existence again or to renew in different models. In other words, their images have already made them somehow eternal. In this sense, my previous doctoral research on State crime and violence would be helpful, since my second PhD thesis focused on why and how the States struggled to keep their powers through some sophisticated violent and non-violent tools including brainwashing and propaganda made by some intellectuals.                       
           
Keywords: State, Propaganda, Visual Propaganda, Political Photography, USA, ISIS, Art, Photography, Visual Terror, Hollywood Visual Style

The visual devices used by Tony Blair and George Bush to get themselves elected and maintain power, come not from modern times, but a world that is thousands of years old. How Art Made the World ventures back to the creation of Stonehenge and the reign of Alexander the Great to reveal how imagery became an indispensable weapon in every leader's political armoury.

This episode explores how art can be used as a persuasion device by those in power and when did we learn to use images, to create a powerful icon or symbol, this way?

The use of art as a tool for those in power, started at different times, in different cultures. Near Stonehenge the grave of the Amesbury Archer was discovered in 2002, the grave was different to those previously found near the site, as this one was not Roman, but much earlier, dating to when the first sarsen stones were erected. What made him interesting were his gold hair tresses, possibly the oldest dated gold objects in Britain, and the fact that he was a foreigner, from the region that is now Germany / Switzerland. The archer had completed an epic journey for the time, and the treasures in his grave show a man of status. Art for personal adornment, like these hair clasps, elevated him above his peers.

As time progressed, art became a political tool, kings competed for more dazzling adornments. As kingdoms got bigger the kings had to overcome communication issues. Darius the Great of Persia, ruled over 20 nations from Persepolis. As very few people could read, Darius had stone reliefs created that combined styles from all over the empire, the carvings showed each nation bring tributes to their king. This showed respect, and the carvings communicated that Darius admired and respected his people. Darius created a symbol for himself, that of the archer, symbolic to Persians of leadership and wisdom, central to the concept of kingship. Darius embossed this symbol on gold coins, which became the currency to trade within the empire.

Darius’ conqueror, Alexander the Great, took this concept further. From an early age, Alexander’s image was being made for him. In his fathers tomb, an Ivory head recognisable as Alexander’s was found, showing that his image had been made for him in advance of him becoming king. In Pompeii, a copy of an original Macedonian painting, shows Alexander the Great, fearless, fixated on his enemy and leading from the front. He is in the midst of battle with king Darius, shown fearful and panicking. Where Darius had used a symbol to communicate his power, Alexander used his face. On defeating the Persians, Alexander melted down all their coins replacing them with coins bearing his head. Tests have shown that people are more influenced by the image of the head and this technique has endured 2500 years and still used today.

This artistic power can be used for sinister purposes, to persuade us to see things a certain way or even deceive us. The earliest known use of this dates back to the Romans. In 40BC Rome was in crisis, the city state was split between royalists and republicans. You could tell people’s political allegiance by how they dressed. Octavian (Augustus) understood the power of art and used it to his advantage. He needed to persuade his opponents ,and used artists to create a less threatening image, one that won over the republicans. Although the image showed him as a powerful general, it didn’t show any military arms, and his gestures were more about humility than power. His armour breast plates show him accepting surrender of the Parthian Empire, with the gods looking on approvingly. The statue offered reassurance, but it was all a lie. While he portrayed himself as a peace maker, he was getting rid of the opposition; while he was preaching humility, he lived like corrupt royalty and while pretending to hand power to the people he reinstated himself as a king.

The leaders of past used paint and marble, today we use digital manipulation. But as humans we still remain vulnerable to the persuasive power of art.

En cualquier caso, nuestro interés se centra en la apertura del sentido, e
igual que Monaco, adelantamos que la clasifcación que proponemos es una
mera construcción teórica, y que sus fronteras son imprecisas. Partimos de
todas formas con cierta ventaja con respecto a Monaco, ya que intentamos
defnir niveles de sentido y no elementos individuales dotados de sentido
icónico, simbólico o indicial. En este sentido nuestra investigación corre
paralela a perspectiva del análisis fílmico multimodal (Multimodal Film
Analysis) propuesta por Bateman y Schmidt: “Our Approach, to be refned
as we proceed, is the essentially to divide the process of interpretation into
several related layers of description” (2012), y desarrollada más recientemente por Wildfeuer (2016).
Para describir los niveles de sentido partiremos de Jean Mitry y su texto,
Esthétique el Psychologie du Cinéma. Tomo I (Les structures) (1963), que es
también el punto de partida utilizado por Christian Metz en su artículo,
“Une étape dans la réfexion sur le cinema” (1964).

The issue of audience targeting is crucial in studies of contemporary propaganda. Meanwhile, it is usually ignored in analysis of Roman propaganda despite the fact that studies of ancient rhetoric clearly shows that speakers were well aware that they must use a different language when performing in front of different audiences. The primary aim of this paper is to consider the possibility of targeting propaganda messages encoded on coins struck by the Pompeians (RRC 444, RRC 445/1-3) during the war with Caesar. The analysis of the imagery placed on these coins may indicate that different types were in the first instance intended for the inhabitants of Epirus and Greece (RRC 444, RRC 445/2), Sicily (RRC 445/1) and West Asia Minor (RRC 445/3). Considering the fact that those were the most important areas of recruitment for the Pompeians, it is possible that by placing images that referred to them they tried to influence locals also in this way.

This work examines recent pro-Russian and pro-Ukrainian user-generated social media content evoking the Russian President, Vladimir Putin, including visual images, catchphrases, and commentary, as contested framings of masculinity within a larger conflict of ideological values between supporters of the two nations.  It interrogates the extent to which an apparent privatization of propaganda can usefully be read as a set of fannish practices, with national narratives and political figures substituting for those of a commercial entertainment property and its media stars.

The current conflict between Russia and Ukraine has sparked a range of nationalist-fannish practices, from manga-style drawings of a Crimean prosecutor (in one notable image, depicted as a body pillow clutched by Putin with the caption “she is a Russian prosecutor, not your waifu,” or fictional object of romantic affection)  to the production of image macros in response to breaking news. This work focuses on one area of this memetic conflict: contrasting framings of Putin as masculine icon of traditional values or hypocritical parody of hyper-masculinity (the football chant “Putin Huilo,” or dickhead, being used in widespread anti-Putin memes).

Fandom has been a space of contestation of concepts of masculinity from its earliest days of Kirk/Spock slash subverting an official reading of Kirk as heteronormative ladies’ man, through to arguably reactionary images of the masculine in Twilight and its offshoot, 50 Shades of Grey. In the Ukrainian crisis, interpretations of President Putin’s gendered imagery are proxies in a larger cultural conflict between “modern” and “traditional” values, in which the meaning of the masculine is highly contested territory. Social media imagery thus defines gendered and national identity by creating the mirrored ideal and Other, with national boundaries marking zones of sexual and political transgression, using a visual-textual language familiar from similar practices derived from fictional, if not political, source material.

“Big Bertha” sends large-caliber greetings from Berlin. A Socialist worker raises the red flag. Adoring crowds greet Hitler and Mussolini. Uncle Sam orders Americans to enlist. In the first half of the twentieth century, these images and many more circulated by the millions on postcards intended to change minds and inspire actions. Whether produced by government propaganda bureaus, opportunistic publishers, aid organizations, or resistance movements, postcards conveyed their messages with striking graphics, pithy slogans, and biting caricatures—all in a uniquely personal form. The more than 350 cards reproduced in full color in this book advocate for political causes and celebrate war efforts on all sides of the major conflicts of their time.

Every war is not only the fight of the armies but also a war of the ideologies. One of the forms of the ideological war is propaganda posters. Over forty posters presented and analyzed in this article come from the Polish-Soviet war in 1919-1921. The research work is based on grounded theory procedures adopted for visual data analyses. Particularly useful was a method of coding families worked out by Barney Glaser and modified to the visual data analysis by Krzysztof Konecki. The author reconstructed several basic motifs, formal solutions, and Communications strategies (i.e., continuity and continuation versus avant-garde and revolution, image of the enemy and “one’s own” imagination, strategic conversion) used by artists-ideologists from both sides of the conflict.

In the process of decommunisation, Ukraine has toppled all its Lenin monuments. This book documents the inglorious fate of these Soviet statues, following their often violent removal. Photographer Niels Ackermann and journalist Sébastien Gobert have scoured the country in search of the remains of these toppled figures. They are found in the most unlikely places: Lenin inhabits gardens, scrap yards and store rooms. He has fallen on hard times –  cut into pieces, daubed with paint, turned into a Cossack or Darth Vader. Yet despite every attempt to reduce their status, the monuments retain a sinister quality, resisting all efforts to separate them from their history.

Myroslava Hartmond's introductory essay puts Niels and Sébastien's journey across Ukraine into historical and global perspective, highlighting the uniqueness of the Leninfall phenomenon and the significance of their work in the context of post-Soviet studies.

160x200 mm hardback
176 pages
ISBN 978-0-9931911-7-6
Published in 2017

Purchase from publisher here:
http://fuel-design.com/publishing/looking-lenin/

(il video riguarda l'intera terza sessione dell'Ottavo seminario "Dalla mappa al GIS" coordinata da Paola Pressenda; il mio intervento va da 1:23:00 a 1:47:30)

Negli anni della prima guerra mondiale la produzione cartografica in Italia fu particolarmente abbondante, grazie soprattutto alla frenetica attività di alcune piccole case editrici e di associazioni sorte per condurre attività a favore della causa interventista. La cartografia risultava un idoneo strumento di promozione del discorso nazional-patriottico in quanto sfruttava il fatto che quella guerra esaltava due caratteri dello Stato moderno ben espressi attraverso le carte: 1) lo Stato è un soggetto politico a base territoriale (e durante una guerra si combatte per acquisire o non perdere territori) 2) lo Stato si fonda sull’esistenza della nazione, che possiede un preciso radicamento geografico (il principio per il quale si combatte è la difesa della nazione). Il «Sacro suolo» fu dunque un simbolo della retorica di propaganda con la sua mistica della guerra e la carta geografica ne permetteva una diretta e ben comprensibile visualizzazione.
Anche se la carta geografica è per sua stessa natura rivestita di significati politici in quanto riflette una specifica visione del territorio prodotta da uno specifico assetto socio-politico, è solo in quegli anni che essa assunse per la prima volta una dimensione autenticamente pubblica prendendo parte a quel fenomeno di politicizzazione dei cittadini che è tuttora il principale tratto distintivo della vita politica delle società contemporanee.
L’intervento al seminario intende esplorare l’uso che si fece della cartografia come strumento di comunicazione politica nell’Italia della Grande Guerra. L’analisi delle sue logiche e delle sue implicazioni servirà a mettere in luce i meccanismi della costruzione dell’identità nazionale in un ambito tematico finora poco indagato.

Parole-chiave: cartografia, interventismo, nazione, irredentismo, nazionalismo, propaganda

This paper focuses on the urban graffiti painted with a political message by different
movements of the Italian political radicalism in the cities of Rome, Florence, Massa,
Carrara, Verona and Udine. For the purpose of this article, during the period from June
2011 to June 2012, a total of 165 graffiti have been photographed, of which 83 painted by
neo-fascist groups, 72 by extreme left groups and 10 by anarchist groups. These three
macro communities, made of different subgroups, emerged as the most active in expressing
their antagonism towards the parliamentary parties with their graffiti that combine semantic
(words) and semiotic (images) elements. An analysis of the collected graffiti’s language
form, meaning and context allows for the identification of the variety of styles of
communication adopted by the different political antagonisms and the different contents of
their communication through graffiti as well as the key elements of their political identities.
Key words: political radicalism, graffiti, linguistics

Recognizing that opium was posing a threat to public health and moral wellbeing, anti-opium visual propaganda from 1895 to 1937 ‘deglamorized’ opium use and successfully drove people away from it. This paper will argue that specific aspects of such visual propaganda – the reversal of perceptions of opium smoking, presenting a common enemy threatening the common people, the incorporation of distinctly Chinese elements – contributed to its effectiveness and success in its particular sociocultural and historical context, and consequently impacted later public health initiatives.

Coinciding with the centennial of the U.S. entry into World War I, this exhibition catalog examines the lives of four individuals from Montana or closely tied to the western state who served their country proudly and whose lives were significantly shaped by the Great War. They are: Glasgow-born William Belzer, celebrated aviator and among America’s first flying aces; Great Falls widow Josephine Hale who served as a Red Cross nurse and became a notable painter in France; doughboy Sidney F. Smith, survivor and hero of the infamous “Lost Battalion;” and James Watson Gerard, U.S. ambassador to Berlin until the U.S. declaration of war and husband to Mary Daly of the famous mining family. The catalog essay  by UM Professor of Art History and Criticism H. Rafael Chacón addresses the abstract concept of the enemy, both abroad and within.

El afiche peruano entre 1968 y 1975 no puede ser analizado sin hacer referencia a los afiches que circularon en otros lugares del mundo durante todo el siglo XX, tanto durante las dos Guerras Mundiales, como durante el Gobierno soviético, maoísta, cubano o durante el periodo de la Guerra Civil en España. Las corrientes artísticas utilizadas en los afiches peruanos, los temas como el culto a la personalidad alrededor del líder, la elección de un héroe nacional, los afiches dirigidos de forma diferenciada a hombres y mujeres, la crítica a los enemigos, nos demuestra que los afiches peruanos se inscriben dentro de una corriente afichística mundial en la que se encuentran una y otra vez, las mismas estrategias visuales y retóricas para convencer al público de determinadas ideas políticas.

Abstract
This article examines the longstanding rivalry of Rome and Parthia, which began as an unintended consequence of Crassus’ decisive defeat at Carrhae in 53 BCE. It synthesizes the accounts and opinions of numerous Graeco-Roman writers from the Augustan Age to late antiquity in order to help illustrate the new and interconnected post-Carrhae world and its legacy. The rivalry of the Romans and Parthians became a primary focus of their foreign policies and drastically expanded their perceptions of the world in which they interacted. Even after the fall of the Parthians to the rebellious Sassanid Persians in the 220s CE, the Romans continued to find their three-century-long rivalry with the Parthians of interest and relevant to the changing world of late antiquity.

ÖZET Propaganda en temel anlamda bir ikna etme sürecidir. İkna etmek, bir bildirim ve bilgi iletimi biçimidir. Ancak olgusal olarak propaganda kavramı; eksik, yanlış, kasti ve tasarlanmış bir bildirim ve bilgi verme sürecidir. Propaganda, sistematik uygulamaları ile bir grubu, topluluğu ya da bir bireyi zihni olarak yeniden biçimlendirmedir. Bu biçimlendirme başta bilişsel olmak üzere toplumsal, kültürel ve siyasal anlamda propaganda yöntem ve tekniklerine uygun biçimde gerçekleşebilmektedir. Propagandanın uygulanması her zaman bir teknik ve yöntem bütünlüğüne dayanmaktadır. Propagandanın tarihi süreçte çeşitli topluluklarda, ülkelerde ve gruplarda pek çok uygulama biçimi ortaya çıkmasına rağmen en esaslı uygulamalarını küresel zamanlarla birlikte Amerika Birleşik Devletlerinin propaganda faaliyetlerinde görmek mümkündür. Bu çalışmada, propagandanın olgusal manada geçirdiği değişim ve dönüşüm ile Amerikan propaganda faaliyetlerindeki görünümleri ortaya konulmaya çalışılmaktadır. Bu çalışma hem teorik nitelikli bir analizi hem de çeşitli kişisel gözlem ve görüşmelere dayalı uygulamalı bir metodolojik bakış açısını içerisinde barındırmaktadır. ABSTRACT Basicly, propaganda is the process of persuasion. Persuasion is a way of declaration and notification. However, propaganda as a phenomenon, is the process of deficient, wrong and deliberate declaration and notification. Propaganda is mentally reformation of a group, society or a person with the systematic applications. This reformation emerges in accordance with the method and technique of propaganda in the social, cultural and political and mostly cognitive ways. The application of propaganda is based on the unity of the method and technique. It is possible to see the most basic applications of propaganda on the activities of the United States of America even though propaganda appears on various societies, countries and groups in the historical process. In this work it is tried to reveal the change and transformaion of propaganda in a factual way and to reveal the American propaganda activities. This work contains both a theorotical analysis and a methodological perspective that is based on various personal observations and conservations. OLGUSALLAŞMAYA DOĞRU PROPAGANDA KAVRAMI Propaganda kavramı analiz edildiğinde çok farklı teknik, yöntem ve biçimde ortaya çıkabildiği görülmektedir. Her an yeni bir biçim ve uygulama alanı içerisinde kendisine yer bulabildiğinden ve bilgi vermenin her türlü (doğru, yanlış, tasarlanmış, kasıtlı üretilmiş gibi) biçimine ilişkin çok fazla içeriğe sahip olduğundan propaganda tanımı yapmak zordur. Propaganda; sonuçları önceden belirlenmiş referans ile grupları ya da diğer kişilerin eylemlerini ya da düşüncelerini etkilemek için gruplar ya da kişiler tarafından kasti olarak (kasten) tasarlanmış eylem ya da düşüncenin ifade edilmesidir (Cantril, 1938: 217). Propaganda, önemli fikirleri desteklemek ya da yaymak anlamın-da olup; Latince'de yaymak ve tohum ekmek anlamlarında kullanılmaktadır (Jowett ve O'Donnell, 2012: 2). Bir fikri yaymak, bir ideolojik söylemin bilerek ve isteyerek toplumsal zihne ekilmesidir. Zihin yapılandırılması, her zaman yeni bir fikri benimsetmek veya yaymak demek değildir. Var olan, hazır ve uygulanması istenen ideolojik kurguların da devam ettirilmesi manasında bir yapılandırmadır. Dolayısıyla propaganda sadece yeni bir fikir aşılaması değil aynı zamanda var olanı istenene evirme sürecidir. Propaganda, önceden belirlenmiş olan bir amaca yönelik olarak

This paper aims to explore the complex relationship between communism and Hollywood from 1947 to 1964. It looks at how the films produced during this period would reflect and often reinforce the changes in feelings and sentiments felt by the American people throughout the Cold War.

Mexican film was aligned with the state since its origins, but this union only generated continuous cinematographic production beginning in the 1930s, when the government of President Lázaro Cárdenas del Río (1934-40) signed a contract with the production company that would go to become one of the most important producers of Mexican cinema of the Golden Age: la Cinematográfica Latinoamericana S.A. (CLASA). This article analyses the changes of discourse and narrative style used in these newsreels during three consecutive presidential terms and outlines the working dynamics and the cinematic discourse of each government , as well as how newsreel formats reflected the agenda of each head of state. RESUMEN Desde sus orígenes el cine mexicano estableció una alianza con el Estado, pero fue hasta la década de los años 30 que dicha unión comenzó a generar una producción cinematográfica continua. Durante el periodo presidencial de Lázaro Cárdenas del Río (1934-40) se estableció un contrato con la productora que se PALABRAS CLAVE/ KEYWORDS noticiarios cine-matográficos/ newsreels productoras fílmicas/ film production companies relación cine-estado/ film-state relations propaganda presidencialismo/ presidentialism imagen pública/public image TANIA CELINA RUIZ OJEDA Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México C o p y r i g h t I n t e l l e c t L t d 2 0 2 0 N o t f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n .

Le attuali forme della relazione tra sistema politico, mezzi di comunicazione e cittadini derivano da trasformazioni sociali profonde che hanno le loro radici alla fine dell’Ottocento e che trovano il loro primo vero banco di prova durante la Grande Guerra.
Guardare alle strutture e ai canali di trasmissione attraverso i quali in quegli anni si affermarono definitivamente nuove forme di comunicazione politica offre dunque un contributo alla comprensione del rapporto tra il cittadino e la politica nell’epoca contemporanea.

THE CARTOON AS AN INSTRUMENT OF PROPAGANDA DURING WORLD WAR I

This study is aimed at defining the role of the cartoon in the propaganda of the World War I. Some cartoons that were used by the war propaganda in Russia, the UK and Germany are considered. The relations of these cartoons with popular attitudes are analyzed."

El presente artículo delinea las representaciones caricaturales desplegadas desde la prensa estadounidense sobre el pueblo venezolano y su presidente Cipriano Castro, en ocasión del bloqueo naval anglo-germano, efectuado sobre los principales puertos del país sudamericano en diciembre de 1902. Mediante la observación de un corpus de ciento cincuenta caricaturas, en compañía de artículos editoriales, se develan los aspectos criteriales de representación visual y textual más recurrentes en la opinión pública norteamericana en relación con los actores implicados en tal incidente.