Romanian History

САЖЕТАК: Банат је још од најранијих времена био насељен српским и румунским становништвом, које је до краја XVIII века имало одређену етничку границу – Срби су насељавали, већином, западни (низијски) а Румуни источни (планински) део Баната. Већих нетрпељивости између двају народа није било. Миграције народа биле су сталне, појачане повременим ратовима и болестима. Једна таква, већа миграција захватила је српски народ у Банату, у време Аустро-турског рата 1737–1739. године, када је у Банат мигрирао део становништва из Србије, која се поново нашла под турском влашћу после кратке аустријске управе (1718–1739). Међу избеглим становништвом из Србије било је и свештенство манастира Винче, које се настанило у банатском, српском, православном манастиру Бездину.


MIGRATION OF SERBIAN POPULATION IN BANAT DURING
THE AUSTRO-TURKISH WAR 1737–1739
SUMMARY: From the earliest times, Banat was inhabited by both Serbian and Romanian population. By the end of the 18th century there had even been a certain ethnic border, since the Serbs inhabited western (plain) part, whilst the Romanian lived in the Eastern (mountainous) Banat. There were not larger intolerance between them. The migrations were constant, intensified by occasional wars and diseases. One larger-scale migration occurred at the time of the Austro-Turkish war in 1737-1739, when Serbs from Serbia partially migrated to Banat. At that time, after a brief period of Austrian governance (1718-1739), Serbia once again fell under the Turkish rule. Among the Serbian refugees, the monks from the monastery of Vinča came to Banat, finding new home in the Serbian Orthodox monastery of Bezdin in Banat.

The expansion of the Habsburg Empire towards Central and South-Eastern Europe in the first decade of the 18th century has determinated large political, social, economical, religious and cultural changes in the new territories of the House of Austria. The takeover of Transylvania, Banat, Oltenia and other regions in southern Hungary and northern Serbia have determined the political and military agents of Vienna to initiate and carry out a series of systematic projects of detailed research of the "newly acquired" territories, in order to have a clearer picture of the geographical, political, hydrographic, administrative-territorial, demographic situation, of the infrastructure and roads, of the riches and natural resources of these regions. In this study, it is presented the way in which the military engineer Friedrich Schwantz von Springfels mapped the south of Hunedoara county on the map of "Valahia Cisalutane" (Oltenia), drawn up between 1720-1722 and sent to the Court of Vienna in 1723. The largest section of the map, that illustrates a province in the vicinity of Oltenia, includes the south of the current Hunedoara county, more precisely the Hațeg Country. The information contained on Schwantz's map indicate the landforms, hydrography, roads and settlements inhabited in the Hunedoara area, transforming the map into a historical document of prime importance especially for the history of the Hunedoara villages, but also for the history of transport, forestry and the evolution of the streams of rivers in this area.

During the 1990s, a long historical cycle of Bucharest came to an end. From the mid-19th century on, industry became an important economic and cultural presence in Bucharest's landscape. During the last 10-15 years it began to contract. Along with other urban processes such as urbanization, gentrification and emergence of ghettos, deindustrialization represents a major trend in Bucharest's recent history. Deindustrialization is both an economic and a cultural transformation. This volume uses insights from urban geography, heritage studies and urban history in order to understand the landscape of deindustrialization, situated between the fetish of gated communities and post-industrial wasteland.

Contents:

Chapter 1. Dezindustrialization and changes of urban landscape
Chapter 2. Postindustrial nostalgia, industrial heritage and refunctionalization
Chapter 3. The geography, history and the memory of Bucharest's industrialization
Chapter 4. Current usage of industrial spaces and the new urban landscape
Chapter 5. The social life of industrial ruins: The cultural reinsertion of industrial spaces

The period between the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century is one that witnessed the rise and spread of anti-Semitism throughout Europe. This paper attempts a historical analysis of the development of anti-Semitism in Romania and a comparison with the case of Hungary in the period between 1866 and 1913. Such a comparison is interesting as the process of Jewish emancipation in the two countries could not have been more different: while in the Romanian principalities Jews were almost completely excluded from political life, and faced important restrictions in all areas of activity, in Hungary they enjoyed full civil and political rights. As a result, anti-Semitism in these countries took different forms as well. In Hungary, anti-Semitism is usually viewed as a reaction to emancipation, while in Romania it accompanies the offi cial policy of discrimination and exclusion. As a result, this paper follows the development of legislation dealing with the
Jewish populations in the two countries, and tries to challenge the common perception of anti-Semitism as a phenomenon appearing as a reaction of the majority population to Jewish emancipation. This comparative discussion is carried out taking into account the different historical contexts of the two neighbouring lands and their impact on the situation of the Jews.

Between March and May in 1929 Queen Marie of Romania (Marie Alexandra Victoria of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha), one of the twelve most outstanding personalities of his time, made a private trip to Spain which was very followed in the press. Along the same, she stopped off in some villages in Extremadura, as Guadalupe, Trujillo, Merida or Almendralejo not initially included in the program of visits. Using newspaper accounts that covered the event, we offer a reconstruction of his trip in Extremadura, including their very brief stay in Almendralejo. This trip raised in one of columnists of Correo Extremeño, the Academician of History Viniegra Vera Virgilio, a suggestive reflection of dye markedly regionalist, entitled precisely What would the Romanian queen see?, that we discuss trying to give it an answer in the last of this paper.

The medieval imaginary emerged as a corpus of discursive formations, which do not always have a strictly Byzantine source. Some elements of ethics and justice, of social organization or relationship between the perceptible and the non-perceptible, of understanding the divine and correlation with ethical faith and duty, have their roots in the philosophical imaginary of the ancient political system, the first system that aimed at the construction of a model of civic society. The ″inheritance″ at the level of the collective imaginary is, thus, not only Christian, but also ancient.    Without having established an unmediated scientific relationship with the ancient texts whence the philosophical imaginary of the political can be extracted the medieval Romanian power followed the natural community formation routes, which were derived from a social model. This type of organization was re-interpreted by the philosophers of Christian power and theologically included in the oikonomic plan.    The practical interpretation given by Romanian lawmakers to some of the post-Byzantine political ideas aimed at an adaptation of those discursive formations, which governed the trans-state collective imaginary in the area of influence of the empire1. The Romanian imaginary itself will spring from these intersections between a normal line of socio-economic coalescence and a political plan for the formation of a state unit with its own acknowledged ″national″ identity, under the influence of the ″basileic chimera″. Finally, the ″history of the imperial idea for the Romanians will be that of a compromise between a political ideal and practical realities”.2

A brief survey of the literature on comparative constitutional engineering shows that semi-presidentialism has sparked a variety of views regarding its conceptualization. Although a widespread choice in post-communist Europe, the semi-presidential model contains inherent vulnerabilities that have proved to be even more challenging in the Romanian case. This article employs the notion of "formative moment" to reevaluate the origins of the problematic nature of Romania's semi-presidentialism, which is well illustrated in the domains of foreign policy and national defence. Despite being inspired by the French fifth republic, the Romanian system features a chain of interwoven foreign affairs decision-making, where the president largely depends on the other state pillars, particularly the government. The formative moment lens is useful in understanding why the post-communist constitutional drafters decided to tightly constrain the powers of the Romanian presidency. It thus unveils the factors that have decisively influenced Romania's emerging democratic system: the widespread post-communist political turbulence and the prevalent meanings circulating in the constitutional debates.

The present study discusses a theme not at all evaluated in the Romanian historiography: a German project to achieve the religious union of Romanians and Bulgarians of Orthodox religion with Rome. The project, advanced by Chancellor von Hertling, involved the acceptance of the Holy See for the realization of the religious union with the help of the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Bucharest, Raymund Netzhammer and the Bulgarian King Ferdinand I. Seen in a political key, the religious union of the Romanians and Bulgarians was also, for the authorities in Berlin, a mean of opposing the advance of the Bolshevik revolution. The mediator between the authorities of the Second Reich and the Holy See was Eugenio Pacelli, the Apostolic Nuncio in Munich, the future Pope Pius XII.

The article analyses the system of Primary Schools in the Banat region (today Romania) between 1867-1914. The study examines the laws concerning education, the financial background of schools and also the question fo the language of education, and with the help of these it gives new resoults in the question of assimilation in Austo-Hungarian Monarchy.

Realizou-se, na Universidade Federal do ABC (UFABC), em 27 de novembro deste ano de 2019, a Jornada Acadêmica-70 anos do Précis de Décomposition (1949-2019), um mini-colóquio dedicado a debates em torno deste que é o primeiro livro escrito por Cioran em francês, e um divisor de águas no conjunto da sua obra. No âmbito da recepção lusófona, e mais especificamente brasileira, da obra de Cioran, o aniversário dos 70 anos do Précis de Décomposition, na França, coincide com o aniversário de 30 anos da primeira edição (brasileira) do livro em língua portuguesa, pelas mãos do filósofo, tradutor e amigo de Cioran: José Thomaz Brum, convidado de honra do evento...

The purpose of the article is to analyse the process of constructing the ideological portrait of the class enemy towards the politically non-involved intellectuals in communist Romania in the 1950s. The ideological construction of the enemy has been carried out by the communist party through the Securitate secret police. The research hypothesis is that the communist regime has instrumentalized the class enemy in order to justify repression and gain political legitimacy, alongside with obtaining increased political control over target groups in society. The method used is ideological analysis, followed by a case study concerning the Noica-Pillat trial from 1960. In the first part, the article deals with the evolution of the concept of „enemy” starting from Karl Marx and continuing with communist leaders from the Soviet Union and Romania. The second part aims to exemplify the ideological repression through the case study. The results suggest that the ideological figure of the enemy was a discursive construction used by the communist authorities to annihilate its real or fictitious opponents.

O Rumunsku za druhé světové války a účasti rumunské armády na osvobozování Československa v roce 1945.
On Romania during the Second World War and the participation of the Romanian Army in the liberation of Czechoslovakia in 1945.

English title: Young king and wild beasts. Romania during the Second World War

Гендерное равенство является важным составляющим политики любого современного государства. Это объясняется тем, что в 20-м веке женщины становятся носителями перемен в своих сообществах и разрабатывают конкретные рекомендации в области гендерной политики с целью повышения участия женщин в общественной, экономической, культурной и политической жизни. Задача этого очерка состоит в попытке анализировать процесс внедрении гендерного порядка в советской Молдавии. В первую очередь попытаемся определить, какой механизм использовался; какие цели ставила перед собой новая власть, советов; каким образом она реализовалось и как воспринималось эта политика обществом.

The aim of this paper is to reveal the specificity of the rural one selected
village in Romanian Mountainous Banat. The central premise is that the specificity is
a central element for nowadays rural tourism in the context of globalization. The
methodology consisted in qualitative evaluation of the following elements: rural
landscape, village functionality and peasant households.The major conclusion is that
the specificity of this village is well preserved and could constitute one important
premise for rural tourism development.

A teatro per costruire la Nazione. Con questa idea di straordinaria modernità, gli intellet-tuali romeni della prima metà dell'Ottocento si sono dedicati alla traduzione di opere del teatro tragico francese e italiano con passi-one e impegno. Consci di un gap secolare tra il mondo romeno dell' epoca, ancora legato a una civiltà orientale, e l'Occidente europeo, Ion Heliade Rădulescu, Gheorghe Asachi, Constantin Aristia e Constantin Negruzzi si sono dedicati alla traduzi-oni di testi teatrali destinati alla rappresentazione. Questo "laboratorio" linguistico e letterario ha come obbiettivo principale non solo la diffu-sione di una cultura "democratica", ma anche il perfezionamento della lingua nazionale sul modello delle grandi lingue di cultura, il francese e l'italiano, permettendo di fare accedere il romeno, per la prima volta, e per sempre, nel grande "concerto" delle lingue europee.

Limba româna pe scenă. Să construiești o națiune și o limbă literară națională poftind-o la teatru. Pornind de la ideea aceasta extrem de modernă, scriitorii români din prima jumătate a secolului al XIX-lea s-au dedicat trup și suflet traducerii de tragedii franceze și italiene. Conștienți fiind de existența unei falii seculare între cultura română de atunci, puternic ancorată în civilizația orientală, și Occidentul euro-pean, Ion Heliade Rădulescu, Gheorghe Asachi, Constantin Aristia și Constantin Negruzzi și-au luat asupra lor misiunea de a traduce piese de teatru destinate punerii în scenă. Acest "laborator" lingvistic și liter-ar avea drept obiectiv principal nu doar răspândirea unei culturi de tip "democratic", ci și perfecționarea limbii naționale după modelul mari-lor limbi de cultură, franceza și italiana, înlesnindu-i astfel românei, prima dată și pentru totdeauna, integrarea în marele "concert" al lim-bilor europene.

Der Briefwechsel Elisabeths zu Wied (Carmen Sylva) mit ihrem Gemahl Carol I. von Rumänien aus dem Rumänischen Nationalarchiv in Bukarest. 1869-1913. Historisch-kritische Ausgabe. Herausgegeben, kommentiert und eingeleitet von Silvia Irina Zimmermann.
[Schriftenreihe der Forschungsstelle Carmen Sylva - Fürstlich Wiedisches Archiv, Band 6 und 7], 2 Teilbände, Stuttgart: ibidem-Verlag, 2018, ISBN Set Teil 1 und Teil 2: 978-3-8382-1221-0.

Teilband 2: 1891-1913. Exil der Königin. Rückkehr auf den rumänischen Thron.
Schriftenreihe FSCSFWA Band 7] 458 Seiten, 21 schwarz-weiße und 4 farbige Abbildungen. ISBN 978-3-8382-1220-3.

http://www.carmensylva-fwa.de/publ/fscsfwa07.html

Leninism romantic și identi-tate paramodernă: structu-ra ideologică și obiectivele sociale ale comunismului românesc în timpul "epocii Ceaușescu" Analizând ceea ce el numește "re-gimuri leniniste", Kenneth Jowitt ajun-ge la o serie de concluzii interesante și totodată fertile știinţific. În accepţiunea sa, partidele comuniste pot fi înţelese ca "fortăreţe" care se izolează în raport cu lumea exterioră pentru păstrarea puri-tăţii revoluţionare de care se cosideră animate încercând, în același timp, să o extindă la nivelul societăţii din care fac parte și, ulterior, asupra întregii lumi. Componenta ideologică a partidelor sau, în cazul în care ajung la putere, regi-murilor leniniste, reprezintă chintesenţa mo dului în care gândesc și acţionează: legitimitatea ultimă este plasată întot-deauna într-un viitor pe care numai partidul este îndreptăţit să îl constru-iască acţionând ca depozitar al "legi-lor știinţifice" sau a "forţelor istorice" care guvernează, implacabil, devenirea umanităţii. Demersul leninist se consi-deră deci și pretinde să fie considerat știinţific, dar prin aceasta nu reușește decât să probeze pseudo-știinţificitatea sa, așa cum demonstrează convingător Alain Besançon. Spre deosebire de regi-murile fasciste, unde conducătorul ("fü-Despre "poporul muncitor unic" și locul minorităţilor naţionale în cadrul "naţiunii socialiste". Maghiari, germani și evrei în România lui Ceaușescu (I) Abstract Nationalism represented a powerful semantic catalyst for romantic Leninism, by which I refer to the Romanian communist ideology during the "Ceausescu era", a hybrid and unique combination of Leninism, German philosophical romanticism, extreme nationalism and also Fascism. Within romantic-Leninist ideology, the nation was an integrative and oppressively imposed "from above" concept used as an instrument to dissipate and identitary annihilate the ethnic minorities by forcibly circumscribing them to the "unique working people".

The following paper presents a short situation of how Oradea was affected by the global economical crisis between 1929-1933. It began in the United States, but its effects have spread in every developed and developing country. By that time, Romania had a new government lead by the National Peasant Party. Till 1933, now governments had to reduce the State’s costs, even by reducing wages. In Oradea, many firms closed their activity and thousands of people lost their jobs. The City Hall took action and helped the unemployed find temporary jobs; also, it helped the poor with cash, food and wood, especially in the winter time. Money was always a problem, so the local authorities had to take loans and find new ways of earning money to help the poor.

Book review in Dutch ("Ion Antonescu en de Roemeense geschiedenis") of monograph by Larry L. Watts, Romanian Cassandra: Ion Antonescu and the Struggle for Reform, 1916-1941.  Boulder/New York: East European Monographs/Columbia University Press, 1993. 390p. ISBN: 0-88033-255-7.

La 23 august 1944, M.S. Regele Mihai I al României a izbutit, printr-un act de curajoasă iniţiativă personală, pregătit în colaborare cu cei mai apropiaţi dintre consilierii Săi, înfăptuit cu sprijinul devotat al oştirii şi al principalelor forţe politice şi aprobat de întreaga naţiune, să restaureze ordinea constituţională a statului român modern în forma hotărâtă de creatorii acestuia, în frunte cu înaintaşii Săi, regii Carol I şi Ferdinand. Exercitându-şi, cu impresionantă tărie de caracter, cu neaşteptată-pentru contemporani – maturitate de cugetare politică şi cu desăvârşit respect faţă de normele constituţionale, prerogativele de suveran, în toată întinderea lor, tânărul Rege se angaja să conducă eforturile decisive în vederea salvării fiinţei, libertăţii şi integrităţii statului naţional român, grav primejduite de asocierea cu puterile Axei într-un război evident pierdut de acestea din urmă. Reafirmând autoritatea Coroanei şi reactivându-i funcţiile în spiritul tradiţiei constituţionale şi în scopul binelui obştesc, M.S. Regele Mihai I a devenit atunci personalitatea emblematică a naţiunii române, cum a şi rămas până astăzi. Împrejurările erau cu adevărat tragice. Ruptura cu al treilea Reich, exponent al totalitarismului naţional-socialist, a cărui înfrângere previzibilă nu era totuşi iminentă, putea să dovedească aliaţilor apuseni ataşamentul românilor faţă de valorile civilizaţiei europene moderne de el repudiate şi aspiraţia lor la reintegrarea Ţării în marea familie a statelor democratice, căreia ea îi aparţinea prin naştere şi vocaţie. Dar, în strategia militară şi politică elaborată chiar de aceste democraţii, pentru România, consecinţa imediată a rupturii cu Reichul nu putea fi alta decât apropierea de marele lor aliat, în plină ofensivă biruitoare pe frontul răsăritean, de Uniunea Republicilor Sovietice Socialiste, promotoarea celuilalt totalitarism al veacului XX, totalitarismul comunist, potrivnic, nu mai puţin decât nazismul, acestor valori. Continuarea războiului alături de Reich risca să compromită nu numai viitorul, ci să pună sub semnul întrebării însăşi existenţa statului român, dar alăturarea la efortul de război al PAGE 4 NUMPAGES 15 PAGE

Auszug:
Die (Lebens-)Geschichte Miron Goldsteins und seines Aegyptologischen Verlages liegt, abgesehen von den hier geworfenen Schlaglichtern auf einzelne Episoden, immer noch weitgehend im Dunkeln.  Sie verdeutlicht aber, dass die Geschichte der deutschen Ägyptologie von den Zeitläufen, auf unterschiedlichsten Ebenen, beeinträchtigt worden ist und sich hinter einem so banal scheinenden schwarzen Strich in ägyptologischen Fachpublikationen menschliche Schicksale verbergen.
Die Ägyptologie hat in jüngster Zeit – zu Recht – damit begonnen, ihre eigene Geschichte zu erforschen und dabei die Menschen hinter den Werktiteln in den Blick zu nehmen, dies sollte nicht auf Fachvertreter und Wissenschaftler beschränkt bleiben.