Anarchist Studies

The Catholic Worker movement's fusion of anarchism and Catholicism is one of the most unusual hybrids in the history of the anarchist tradition and is sometimes dismissed as paradoxical or contradictory. In arguing that the pairing of these influences is not as counter-intuitive as it appears at first glance, this chapter seeks to explain the elective affinity of anarchism and Catholicism through the concept of exemplarity. The vision for the Catholic Worker devised by its founders Peter Maurin and Dorothy Day was, I argue, informed by interpretations of central Christian figures like Christ, the saints, and the " holy fool " that placed special emphasis on their exemplary qualities. Maurin and Day saw in the Catholic tradition of exemplarity a means of exercising leadership and authority through the power of examples and voluntary emulation rather than coercion, and within the context of the Catholic Worker movement the exemplary influence of Day in particular helped to reconcile the movement's need for coherence and direction with the autonomy and dignity of its members. In highlighting the Catholic Worker's " exemplary anarchism, " this chapter not only reveals one of the ways in which the Worker's Catholicism actually enhanced its anarchism, but also points to the broader relevance of the concept of exemplarity to anarchist theory.

This Ph.D. is an ethnographic-activist-based project. It first examines the genealogy of popular nationalist-statist and religious enforcements of postcolonial cisheteronormativity in Egypt through the examination of two case studies, the Cairo 52 case in 2001 and the transgendered case of Sally Abd Allah in 1982. It then presents my fieldwork, which documents my ethnographic narrators’ resistance to these narratives. Specifically, my fieldwork investigates the neocolonial/neoimperial conditions that inform the circulatory geopolitical relationship between Islam and queerness in non-Western societies such as franchise-colonial Egypt and settler-colonial U.S./Canada, in an age where sexual and gender diversity is a hallmark of neoliberal ‘secular’ modernity, whose advent historically exposed Arabs, North Africans, and Muslims, if not all non-Europeans, to a plethora of false competing dualisms, such as secular/religious and heterogeneity/homogeneity, as well as discourses such as homonationalism (al-qawmiyyat al-mīthlīyat) and pinkwashing (al-ghaseel al-banafsajiy). My fieldwork participants offer decolonial, gender-based, readings and formulations of queerness through their diverse and complex experiences, which evade the apparent tidiness of European feminist and narrow LGBTIQA categories that characterizes most Western/non-Western political queer scholarship. While the spiritual initiatives of diasporic queer Muslims clarifies the urgent need for a radical, decolonial, reinterpretation of Islam, the revolutionary participation of queer Egyptians in the so-called ‘Arab Spring/Islamist Winter’ offers crucial challenges to both discourses on gender/sexuality in the Middle East and academic and activist literatures on radical and revolutionary social action. In this dissertation, queer Egyptians, and queer Muslims in particular, appear as single theorists of radical political activity, not the co-opted and duped, colonized pawns of the ‘Gay Empire’. This exploration of queer interventions in revolutionary Egypt will force radical social theorists to consider postcolonial/decolonial queer politics as a primary basis for determining the shape and course of future revolutionary theory and praxis in this current xenophobic and Islamophobic geopolitical moment. Utilizing intersectional/assemblage based theories, I argue that strictly adopting sexual discourses, in the absence of accounting for colonialism/imperialism as well as engaging postcolonial, critical race and feminist discourses, is insufficient to narratively/analytically understand the dynamic nature of Arab and Muslim gender and sexualities in these Islamophobic conditions.

*The Ph.D. is a forthcoming book. Nonetheless, in an effort to provide an overview of this interdisciplinary and transnational project I’m offering the table of contents, this chapter, the Bibliography and Appendix till the impending release.

Nueva edición del ENSAYO DE PEDAGOGÍA UTÓPICA, la 5ta en tres años. En ella hemos añadido el folleto de Carlos Díaz, también agotado hace tiempo, NO HAY ESCUELA NEUTRAL. Los dos forman una unidad, ya que platntean una crítica radical de toda pedagogía directiva, tecnocrática...y presentan las líneas y sugerencias de una pedagogía liberadora, reflejo de las nuevas formas de vida y de lucha en la sociedad actual.
Síntesis creado de una enseñanza siempre comprometida. Utopía, en fin, no como evasión del mundo real, sino como elemento profundo de transformación total de la persona y del mundo.
El prólogo a esta edición pone de relieve estos aspectos con la preocupación de la actual situación que vivimos en España y enmarca dos trabajos cuyas propuestas siguen siendo válidas hoy día.

Editorial ZERO, S.A. Madrid.
1979.

Introduzione: ogni sera, una pillola contro la paura Cosa fare se da un giorno all'altro ti rinchiudono in casa e ti chiudono biblioteche, librerie e sale di lettura? Si può rimediare con la tecnologia, certo, ma non tutti i libri si trovano negli archivi online o sotto forma di e-book, e un libro digitale non dà lo stesso gusto di una lettura serale cartacea, specialmente se hai già passato tutta la giornata su uno schermo per fare quello che chiamano smart working. Qual è stata dunque l'idea di Gianandrea, libraio militante, autore tra le altre cose di pionieristici cataloghi tematici sull'Anarchismo, sul Sindacalismo Rivoluzionario, sul Sessantotto, sui Mazziniani, sul Movimento Federalista Europeo, sul Liberalsocialismo? Usare la tecnologia per socializzare i contenuti dei libri che per lavoro e passione aveva sottomano. Perché bisogna ricordare che questo lavoro non nasce solo in un contesto librario, ma anche in un contesto libertario. Le prime di queste "pillole" vengono inviate nel gruppo Signal dell' Area Libertaria Reggiana: ogni sera una citazione da un classico dell'anarchismo accompagnata da un breve profilo dell'autrice o dell'autore. Ben presto l'iniziativa si allarga, raggiungendo tutti quei compagni e compagne, soprattutto giovani, che avevano l'abitudine di vedersi tutti i giorni al Circolo "Berneri" di via Don Minzoni. Se ci pensiamo questa è stata la prima volta che la nostra generazione si è confrontata con il divieto formale di riunione e di manifestazione, e con degli arresti domiciliari di fatto, che per chi studia la storia dell'anarchismo e dei movimenti sociali richiama alla mente le limitazioni alla libertà sofferte sotto i regimi totalitari. Anche se per ragioni (e con modalità) molto diverse, abbiamo assaggiato un po' delle biografie da quelle nostre compagne e compagni che tra il diciannovesimo e il ventesimo secolo hanno vissuto il carcere, l'esilio, il confino, la lotta clandestina nella resistenza antifascista. Ma rispetto a loro, nel 2020 abbiamo un'arma in più: la tecnologia. Da Signal, il gruppo passa a Whatsapp e si è propagato in maniera virale (è il caso di dirlo) a più gruppi e liste, tanto che non si riesce più a sapere quanta gente direttamente o indirettamente ha ricevuto queste pillole. Chiusi in casa durante il lockdown, in momenti in cui il morale effettivamente si abbassava molto, ogni sera arrivava un messaggio con questi stralci anarchici di vita e di pensiero. Ed eravamo tutte e tutti un po' meno sole e soli.

Simon Springer (Department of Geography, University of Victoria, Canada) contributes this short essay about his visit to Moscow and Domitrov. He organized a session titled “For Kropotkin” with Anthony Ince for the IGU Moscow Regional Conference and made a trip to the Kropotkin museum in Dmitrov.

Loadenthal, Michael. “Cells, Communiqués and Monikers: The Insurrectionary Networks of Anti-State Attack.” In Routledge Handbook of Radical Politics, edited by Uri Gordon and Ruth Kinna, 326–40. New York, NY: Routledge, 2019.

Abstract:
Spanning over a century, the insurrectionary spirit of anarchism has been on the forefront
of direct, unmediated attacks on the state and capital. Insurrectionary praxis is based on an ethic of informality, clandestinity and temporality, and as a result, its cells exist in secret only as long as deemed necessary for a particular action. Unlike social movement organisations and above-ground campaigns, the cells that populate the insurrectionary milieu are not something to ‘belong to’ but something to ‘act through’; a momentary assemblage of likeminded individuals united for a particular attack by voluntary association and through shared affinity.

While the modern cell networks gained visibly in Europe around the millennium,
their rapid replication has led to similarly styled formations in dozens of countries from the Americas to Asia. This franchised replication is aided by the use of adoptable monikers – static labels used to associate an attack with others, and to ideologically tag them as insurrectionary. Oftentimes, these are acronyms whose names communicate the politics of the attackers, such as the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF), International Revolutionary Front (IRF) as well as older, not explicitly insurrectionary monikers such as the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and Earth Liberation Front (ELF). The use of moniker-linked attacks, which form into a campaign of sorts, is a distinctive feature of the insurrectionary cells. For example, in June 2013, a Greek of the FAI cell bombed a vehicle belonging to a prison director overseeing the incarceration of comrades. This attack marked ‘act one’ of the Phoenix Project, and would be followed by thirteen additional attacks, spanning eight countries out over a twelve-month period. The Phoenix Project highlights the strength of the adoptable moniker, as through its usage, an arson targeting an Indonesian hotel and the sabotage of Italian fuel pumps can be united into a shared, global effort, and not understood as disparate acts of lone wolves. This chapter will explore how the insurrectionary anarchist networks utilise the cell model, the communiqué and the adoptable moniker to allow for the creation of a globally dispersed, decentralised, open involvement movement united in its rejection of capitalism, the state and those who would seek to control it.

Kuşkusuz, işçi devletinin yaşadığı zorluklarda sorunu öncelikle nesnel koşullarda aramak gerekir (ve bu koşullar aşağıda daha ayrıntılı şekilde ele alınacaktır). Fakat öznel etken de yabana atılmayacak derecede sorunlu olduğunu göstermiştir. Partinin ileri doğru gittiği (“saldırdığı”) her durumda Bolşevik örgütlenme modelinin kazandırdığı kaynaşmış ve ideolojik açıdan ortaklaşmış nitelik yeterince güçlü olduğunu göstermiş ve zaten tam da bu nedenle Lenin’in partisi bir devrime önderlik edebilmişti. Fakat saldırı ânında, suların yükseldiği dönemde görülmeyen ya da etkisizleştirilebilen eksiklikler, suların geri çekildiği koşullarda kendisini çok çarpıcı bir şekilde göstermiştir. Lenin bir partinin esas gücünün tıpkı bir orduda olduğu gibi geri çekilirken görülebileceğini ve saldırırken gösterilen azim, kararlılık ve birlikteliğin ricat halindeyken de gösterilmesi gerektiğini söyler.
Bu açıdan bakıldığında, partinin bazı sınavları alnının akıyla geçtiğini, bazılarındaysa aynı başarıyı gösteremediğini söylemek gerekir. Parti içindeki tartışmalarda ortaya çıkan yanlış görüşler, partinin yönetici kademesindeki insanların (Buharin, Şlyapnikov, Kollontay, Stalin) devrimin üzerinden birkaç yıl geçtikten sonra en temel konularda büyük ilkesel yanlışlara düşüyor olmaları, tüm bunları toparlayan isim sıfatıyla Lenin’in ölümünden sonra partinin içinde yaşanacakların, yani bir nesnellikten beslenen bürokratik karşıdevrime partinin içindeki ileri gelenlerin önderlik etmesinin habercisi olarak alınmalıdır.

Cтатья посвящена историко-философскому анализу образа М.А. Бакунина в сочинениях философов русского зарубежья. В работе рассматривается генезис и причины формирования этого образа. Доказывается, что мистический анархизм и литературоведческие дискуссии вокруг творчества Ф.М. Достоевского в начале XX столетия послужили началом философской мистификации образа М.А. Бакунина.



Герасимов Н.И. М.А.Бакунин и философия русского зарубежья // Философские науки, №7, 2014, С.103-112

Reasons stated by the journal's Editors for awarding the Prize for the best paper published in the Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography in 2017 to my article: “Tropicality, the unruly Atlantic and social utopias: the French explorer Henri Coudreau (1859-1899)”, Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 38 (3), 2017, p. 332-349. Thanks again!

On October 1, 1920, the city of Santiago, Chile, came to a halt as tens of thousands stopped work and their daily activities to join the funeral procession of José Domingo Gómez Rojas, a 24 year old university student and acclaimed poet. Nicknamed "the firecracker poet" for his incendiary poems, such as "The Cry of the Renegade" Gómez Rojas was a member of the University of Chile's student federation (the FECh) which had come under repeated attack for its critiques of Chile's political system and ruling parties. Government officials accused the FECh's leaders of being advocates for the destruction of the social order, subversives who had the temerity to question national policy making, and insolent youths who did not know their place. Arrested for alleged sedition as part of a five-month-long "prosecution of subversives," Gómez Rojas joined other students and workers in Santiago's prison system. He never left. After two months in police custody, he died in Santiago's asylum, quickly to be reborn as a political martyr for students and workers alike.

This microhistory recovers the context within which Gómez Rojas's arrest, imprisonment, and death unfolded and the experiences of men he counted as friends, comrades, colleagues, mentors, and pupils. Fifty years before the much-heralded student movements of 1968, Raymond Craib shows, university students and workers were active political collaborators and radicalized political subjects. In interwar Chile, members of Chile's sizeable working class marched side-by-side with students from the FECh. At the same time, increasingly radicalized university students, as well as former students, workers, and worker-intellectuals, gathered together to talk, read, and find common cause. Members of what Craib calls a "capacious Left" they shared a wide-ranging interest in works of sociology and political theory, a penchant for poetry, and an eclectic embrace of anarchist, socialist, and communist principles and practices. They also shared the experience of repression, an experience that ultimately cost Gómez Rojas his life and marked an entire generation of political organizers and agitators, including future president Salvador Allende and poet Pablo Neruda.

Esta contribución recuerda las bases argumentativas de los adversarios y partidarios de la participación electoral y las reacciones de las clases trabajadoras influidas por el anarquismo, tomando en cuenta los elementos contextuales de las tres fases históricas en que el ciudadano español disfrutó del derecho, aunque en condiciones distintas y específicas, a emitir su voto : el sexenio democrático, el régimen constitucional de 1876 y la segunda República.

Mussolini Grande Attore. La dimensione performativa del fascismo. di Marco Colacino In questo lavoro si analizza e ricostruisce la figura di Benito Mussolini come attore di una drammaturgia politica, civile e sociale che interessa il sistema-paese per oltre venti anni, basandoci sulle considerazioni di Max Weber sulla figura del leader e su quanto scritto già durante gli anni Trenta dall'anarchico Camillo Berneri sull'ex direttore de "L'Avanti!", definito come Grande Attore. Base per questa interpretazione della figura del capo del fascismo italiano sono alcuni studi delle scienze dello spettacolo relativi al performativo ed al rapporto tra drammi sociali e drammi scenici.

Aintzane Legarreta Mentxaka,  "La Vida Vasca de Kate O'Brien" [original title: 'Mary Lavelle']  [commissioned]. El Correo Culture Supplement. 15 September 2018, p. 10.
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Kate O'Brien (1897-1974) es una de las novelistas más importantes de Irlanda, y una escritora de nota en la literatura del siglo veinte en lengua inglesa. Su novela 'Mary Lavelle', que algunos críticos consideran su mejor obra, está situada en Euskadi. Y su carrera, aunque pocos lo saben, comenzó en Bilbo en 1922...

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This article addresses the life and works of a virtually unknown lady explorer, Octavie Renard-Coudreau (1867-1938), who continued an Amazonian exploration 'alone' after the death of her husband, the maverick French geographer Henri Coudreau (1859-1899). It extends and connects two main bodies of scholarship, the first on women travellers and feminist historical geographies, the second on scientific couples and collaborative partnerships in the history of sciences. I argue that, in addition to textual analysis, the social, biographical, cultural and political contexts of these travels allow a better understanding of the ambivalences that characterised Western travellers and scholars, both men and women, in imperial contexts. This helps avoiding essentialism and recovering the experiences of marginalised figures in the history of geography. The story of Octavie Coudreau has elements of originality that can stimulate new reflections on these points, also because her travel experience was not in the hegemonic Anglophone context, and she was acquainted with unorthodox and dissident geographers of that time. This article also contributes to studies on the influence which anarchist geographers such as Elisée Reclus, a supporter of the Coudreaus, exerted on explorers, though Octavie seemed to keep her distance from this former socialist inspiration.

No Brasil, há uma grande disputa sobre a narrativa da Insurgência dos Governados de 2013. Por razões teóricas/político-eleitorais/ideológicas, muitos intelectuais participam de uma querela sobre os seus motivos, características e resultados. Portanto, apontaremos elementos para identificar o que está por trás de cada uma dessas correntes interpretativas. Faremos também um debate sobre as formas metodológicas de construção da história. No bojo dessa discussão, apresentaremos algumas teses a partir da nossa observação participante, da narrativa de colegas e de diversas fontes secundárias como jornais, revistas, blogs e mídias sociais em geral.
Disponível em: http://www.otal.ifcs.ufrj.br/a-revolta-dos-governados-do-inverno-primavera-de-2013-no-brasil-e-suas-interpretacoes/

Louise Michel (1830-1905) est aujourd’hui devenue une figure historique importante : elle est une image de lutte et de révolte, admirée comme une icône de femme libre. Elle a donné son nom à de nombreuses rues et écoles, et elle a même été proposée pour entrer au Panthéon. Mais comment cette combattante de la Commune de Paris, propagandiste anarchiste, déportée et emprisonnée par les gouvernements de la IIIe République, a-t-elle été intégrée dans la mémoire collective nationale ? C’est cette énigme que le livre entend résoudre. De la Commune de Paris à nos jours, il dévoile ce qui a fait de Louise Michel une femme célèbre et analyse sa trajectoire dans les mémoires des XXe et XXIe siècles. Loin d’un processus linéaire, cette figure a fait l’objet d’appropriations multiples, conflictuelles et concurrentielles, qui coexistent encore aujourd’hui.

https://editions-croquant.org/sociologie-historique/719-vive-louise-michel-celebrite-et-posterite-dune-figure-anarchiste.html

Book Review of Social Ecology and the Right to the City, University of Chicago Press.
Published in 2019, the edited volume Social Ecology and the Right to the City grew out of a conference two years prior, organised by TRISE. The Transnational Institute of Social Ecology is an association of Europe-based activists and intellectuals who foster, develop and promote the analysis and practices of social ecology. First conceptualized by Murray Bookchin, social ecology combines anarchist claims to a self-determined life with socialist insistence on communal social structures, and positions these within a framework of eco-systemic sustainability. It thus constitutes one of the most holistic and solution-focussed social theories to face today’s convergence of environmental, social and political troubles. This review presents the volume that grew out of TRISE’s 2017 conference in Thessaloniki, Greece, and proposes further trajectories for the study and implementation of social ecology.

A consideração de um espaço qualquer como um “espaço de liberdade” é relativa às experiências que este espaço possibilita. Entendemos, pois, que não há uma forma específica, fixa e fechada que permita compreender ou caracterizar a liberdade como ela ‘deve ser’; ela é coisa para permanecer em aberto, para ser vivida no espaço, moldada de acordo com a livre negociação da vontade das pessoas que tornam um determinado espaço um espaço vivo. Falamos assim, sobretudo, da liberdade como algo a ser exercitado, e podemos apenas (1) considerar a maneira como este exercício pode chegar a ocorrer; e (2) as condições que favoreçam tal exercício. Para estas considerações, pensamos que levar em conta a forma que um espaço de arte, um espaço experimental, uma ocupação pode assumir, pode ser elucidativo.

Partiremos neste texto da experiência realizada no prédio situado nas proximidades da Reitoria da Universidade Federal do Paraná; prédio atualmente ocupado por três coletivos; coletivos que estão hoje sob ameaça.

Mais precisamente, vamos nos concentrar no quinto andar deste prédio, onde atua o coletivo de que mais me aproximei.

Este escrito é parte da série "Desescolarizar o mundo", ainda em andamento.

Current political movements have raised the issue of the problematic diversity of forms of domination and oppression, as well as strategies to counter them, in the way black feminism has signaled the importance of intersectionality. This questioning has also reached Brazilian anarchism in an effort to combat inequalities within the organization of the movement itself. This endeavor can exacerbate internal conflicts, when factors such as race, class, gender, sexual orientation, age and other markers of difference are called into question. So, in situations of mutual support across such different perspectives, methods of attenuating conflict may be used. That is the (strange) case of astrology, which some anarchists have informally deployed to reduce tensions within their collective force, a kind of "spectral counterpower" (David Graeber).

The coastal Isthmus of Tehuantepec region of Oaxaca, Mexico – known locally as the Istmo – is regarded as one of the best wind energy generating sites in the world. Marketed as a preeminent solution to mitigating climate change, wind energy is now applying increasing pressure on indigenous groups in the region. The article begins by outlining a definition of colonialism that assists in identifying the temporal continuity of the colonial project to understand its relationship with wind energy development. The next section briefly reviews colonial genocide studies, discussing disciplinary debates between liberal and post-liberal genocide scholars, the relevance of self-management within colonial systems, the genocide-ecocide nexus and the ‘intent’ of destructive development projects. This leads into reviewing the claims and findings that emerged from fieldwork in the Istmo, which is divided into the north and south to show the different, yet similar dynamics taking place in the region. Finally, the article concludes that wind energy development as a ‘solution’ to climate change not only distracts from its dependence on fossil fuels and mining, but renews and continues a slow industrial genocide, assimilating and targeting (indigenous) people who continue to value their land, sea and cultural relationships.

Con la muerte de Franco, se abrió la posibilidad de retorno para una pléyade de militantes libertarios dispersos entre Europa y América. Aunque la situación de España y el anhelo de retorno marcaron las experiencias vitales de los anarquistas que habían vivido la Guerra Civil, el destierro fue demasiado largo y en el momento de hacer las maletas la decisión resultó mucho más difícil de lo que podría preverse. Esta comunicación se centra en la biografía de tres libertarios históricos, de trayectorias diferentes durante el exilio, que sí se decidieron a retornar: Diego Abad de Santillán, José Peirats y Ramón Álvarez. Con ello, queremos hacer frente a un ámbito olvidado por la historiografía del anarquismo durante la Transición, que se ha limitado a señalar la existencia de un choque generacional de estos libertarios con las nuevas hornadas de militantes en la Península, sin profundizar en el proceso. Nuestro abordaje se centrará en fuentes personales para componer la vivencia personal del retorno.
Tres biografías

Report at the 5th Ural Industrial Biennial of Contemporary Art "IMMORTALITY" (section “Compelling Images of IMMORTALITY: Who Creates Them, How and Why?”) / Yekaterinburg (September, 2019)
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Доклад на 5-й Уральской Индустриальной Биеннале "БЕССМЕРТИЕ" (секция "Убедительные образы бессмертия: кто, как и зачем их создаёт?) / Екатеринбург (Сентябрь, 2019)
https://syg.ma/@uralskii-filial-gtssi/izobrietieniie-bies-smierti-ia-v-stranie-anarkhii

This chapter addresses the life and works of Italian transnational anarchist and anti-fascist Camillo Berneri (1897-1937) drawing upon Berneri’s archives and original papers, never translated into English with only few exceptions. For the first time, I analyse Berneri’s work through spatial lenses, investigating the contributions that this can bring to the contemporary fields of critical, radical and subaltern geopolitics. My argument is twofold. First, I argue that the analysis of spaces of exile and transnational solidarity networks are paramount for understanding the trajectories of anarchist anti-fascism between the two world wars. Berneri is an outstanding representative of an entire generation of Italian anarchists and antifascists. He was eventually defined ‘the most expelled anarchist of Europe’ due to his innumerable travels and tribulations across the borders of Italy, France, Germany, Belgium, Netherlands, Luxembourg and Spain. Second, I argue that Berneri’s writings on the geopolitical problems that the Spanish revolution had to face from 1936, such as the question of the armed defence from Franco’s troops and the Italian imperialism in the Balearic Islands, can nourish present-day perspectives in radical internationalism and stateless geopolitics. The prickliness of Berneri’s analyses, published in the journals of Italian anarchists fighting in Spain with the CNT-FAI, can also explain why he was murdered by Stalinist agents during the Bloody Week of Barcelona in May 1937, just few days after delivering a radio speech where Berneri pronounced a moved tribute to another Italian anti-fascist, Antonio Gramsci, just died in a fascist prison in Italy.

In my study I would like to draft the intellectual, political
atmosphere, in which the Munka-kör (Work-circle), bearing
the stamp of Lajos Kassák, was founded and formulated.
It was a leftist creative community, which through its
numerous branches most impregnated the Hungarian
labour movement at the end of the 1920s and the beginning
of the next decade. Nevertheless, instead of “background”
it seems more correct to talk about a kind of
milieu, a huge political sphere from the left of social democracy
to the most radical fractions and grouplets, namely the
Hungarian versions of Trotskyism and council-communism
(or, according to the terminology of the Communist
Party of Hungary: the “too-leftists”).

Reseña del libro:

Susanna Tavera, Federica Montseny. La indomable (1905-1994), Barcelona, Temas de Hoy, "Biografías", 2005, 352 pp.

en "Cuadernos Radicales. Libros y revistas", Política. Revista Republicana. Madrid. (ISSN: 1139-5397), mayo-junio, 57, 2005, p. VII.

URL: https://www.izqrepublicana.es/publicaciones/politica.php

Il testo corregge per la prima volta due banalità che rincorrono la storia di Sacco e Vanzetti sin dai tempi della loro incarcerazione, nel 1920. La partenza dall'Italia. Per Vanzetti il 13 giugno 1908 (e non il 15 giugno). Per Sacco addirittura un anno dopo. Non il 1908 ma il 1909. Il saggio documenta poi come Rosa Zambelli, moglie di Nicola Sacco, non sia pugliese, come molti hanno sempre ritenuto e scritto (compreso il film di Giuliano Montaldo), ma sia invece bresciana, originaria di Lonato sul Garda. Narra della sua origine, dell'infanzia e della fanciullezza sino al matrimonio, a  ilford, con l'anarchico pugliese.

Russian anarchism of the 1910s-1920s (biocosmism, pan-anarchism) proposed an original political and aesthetic model of "access to space", which possessed a great heuristic and utopian potential, which, due to political circumstances of the first half of the 20th century, was repressed and forgotten. The article reconstructs and interprets this model through questions about (cosmic) language, (anarchic) imagination and (interplanetary) technics.

From the second half of the nineteenth century European governments perceived anarchism as an international threat and regarded the surveillance of colonies established by anarchist refugees as of great importance. The article investigates the service of 'International Police' that the Italian Ministry of Interior and the Italian embassies set up for this purpose. By taking as a case study the colony of Italian anarchists who settled in London from 1870 to 1914, it analyses in detail the organizational structure of this intelligence service and it reconstructs the main incidents which informers and spies were involved in. The article examines also the ambivalent attitude of the British police in regard to the surveillance of foreign revolutionaries and the repercussions that these intelligence activities had on the relationship between Italian and British authorities.

Después de una evaluación cuantitativa de las fuentes que figuran en la obra de Manuel González Prada, éstas sirven de hilo conductor para presentar sus principales ideas filosóficas y políticas. Este enfoque intertextual ilustra cómo se construye la coherencia propia de un pensamiento singular a partir de lecturas muy variadas y precisa el contenido del cosmopolitismo de aquella época.