Global Justice

Health care is ubiquitous in the lives of industrialized people. Yet, every medical development, technique, and procedure impact the environment. Green Bioethics synthesizes environmental ethics and biomedical ethics, thus creating an interdisciplinary approach to sustainable health care. Notably, Green Bioethics addresses, not the structure of environmental sustainability in health care institutions, but the sustainability of individual health care offerings.

Green Bioethics parallels traditional biomedical ethics by providing four principles for ethical guidance. Through these four principles, Green Bioethics presents a coherent framework for evaluating the sustainability of medical developments, techniques, and procedures. The principles of Green Bioethics are:
- Distributive Justice (Allocate Basic Medical Resources before Special Interest Access)
- Resource Conservation (Provide Health Care Needs before Health Care Wants)
- Simplicity (Reduce Dependence on Medical Interventions)
- Ethical Economics (Humanistic Health Care Instead of Financial Profit)

The future of our world may very well depend on how effectively we halt ecological destruction and conserve our resources. The principles of Green Bioethics, in tandem with the concrete examples given in this book, will support sustainability in health care.

The central challenge for theorists and practitioners of radical politics today is to develop the tools for collective action on a global scale, but also account for the specificity of diverse local struggles and promote the free transformation of individual and collective subjectivities through political action. This article examines the radical democratic theory of Chantal Mouffe, post-sovereignty cosmopolitanism of David Held and contemporary anarchist theory, in light of participant research in contemporary global resistance movements. As none of these concepts can meet the challenges facing global resistance movements today or the demands of liberty and equality, ‘democratic insurrection’ is intended as both an alternative theoretical category and a practical tool for radical politics. Defined by a forum–affinity–network system, democratic insurrection is based on voluntary associations and the production of the common. By expanding the democratic moments of deliberation, decision and action across time and space, democratic insurrection allows for democratic practice and acts of resistance on a range of scales and organisational forms. Radical politics today demands the theorisation and practice of democracy beyond the state and insurrection beyond armed revolt. Democratic insurrection demonstrates the possibility of such theory and practice, but must still overcome the persistence of dominant power relations that continue to plague global resistance movements from within.

Enacted February 24, 2014 and effective until August 1, 2014, Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Act targeted Ugandans of minority sexual orientations and gender identities—many of whom self-identify as 'kuchu'—by imposing life sentences for homosexual sex and same-sex marriage. The original Anti-Homosexuality Bill introduced in 2009 promised even worse for kuchus: it would have mandated that all Ugandans report known homosexuals and threatened execution for serial offenders and other perpetrators of “aggravated homosexuality.” In the context of Ugandan political conflict, emerging international human rights norms, and global asymmetries of power, Uganda has become an ideological battlefront where competing actors—both US-based and Ugandan—advance their respective visions of a just and righteous global society. These factors mandate that US-based activists and organizations painstakingly consider how (or whether) they can advocate responsibly and effectively for international human rights related to gender identity and sexual orientation. Through interdisciplinary lenses and critical analysis, this paper explores three questions:

• How is Uganda distinct from other sites of antigay legislation?
• How have US-based organizations impacted Ugandan discourse and policy toward kuchus?
• How can US-based rights advocates and activists campaign for kuchus without doing them further harm?

In this paper, my aim is to elaborate disability movement praxis so that transnational struggles for justice over the production of impairment emerging from the Global South can be represented within the transnational frame of disability politics. The paper seeks to explore the potential of deepening socio-political understandings of impairment as a means to radically democratize disability movement politics at the transnational scale to encompass pluralist, yet subaltern, collective claims for justice. I am guided by the question: if impairment is the place that makes visible invisible debts, can the global disability rights movement begin a process of re-identification to open the boundaries of disability justice claims and develop a strategic orientation which recognizes those collective justice claims for geopolitically produced impairments?

Females constitute almost half of the world's population. Yet, they have almost always been looked down upon, and have been treated disproportionately and unfairly often as an inferior gender. Conventionally, women have been treated as chattel, as the property in the patriarchal society. They have been bound by various dogmatic practices shackled with fake cultural backdrops. Various social reformers have worked, and continue to work tirelessly to ameliorate the daily lives of the womenfolk. A Lot has been changed but nothing valuable has been achieved even in the 21st century. This paper attempts to assess the main causes behind gender inequality. It looks at glass ceilings as one of the important impediments to gender justice. Here in this paper I will test this hypothesis whether glass ceiling is an invisible barrier that impedes gender justice. How the concept of glass ceiling has different existence in the developing v/s developed world. How it is kind of barricading in front of women that prevents them from reaching a hierarchical position. We will also discuss a few legal tracks to deal with and to break this layer of glass ceiling and to encourage women participation in economic activities.

This essay introduces a large and diverse special issue on 'The Acoustics of Justice: Law, Listening, Sound'. Until recently the acoustic dimensions of law and justice were not a major concern in the academy, either in self-consciously legal scholarship, or elsewhere. Things are changing, as indeed the size of this collection suggests. And our hope is that the work gathered here will go some way to addressing this deficit. Nevertheless, this introduction does not attempt to theorise how. Though the collection was conceived in 2019, it was mostly produced since the arrival of COVID-19. And we are tired. We have been working from home too long; or rather our homes have been 'requisitioned' for work. Our teaching loads have increased and the teaching itself rapidly onlined. All while separated from loved ones and attempting to school or otherwise entertain our kids at home. And we are the lucky ones. This introduction is, in a sense, an anti-introduction, or a non-introduction then: a strategic withdrawal of labour that opens the door onto the collection but offers little in the way of guidance to readers once they step through. Whether that is generous or irresponsible we leave to readers to decide.

A temporary patent waiver would likely save more lives in LMICs as the number of doses produced by current manufacturers will not be sufficient to cover the world’s population for years.  And the technology transfer would allow a number of LMICs to establish domestic vaccine manufacturing, as well as help other countries break free from the dependence on the generosity and national interests of the world’s richest countries.  Such a world would be better than what we are currently living in.

In this chapter, I argue that we must think about justice for all animals through the cosmopolitan lens. After some preliminary remarks about global justice and cosmopolitanism, I explore the ways in which the current global order maintains and exacerbates systems of violence and oppression that target nonhuman animals. I argue that the theoretical foundations of cosmopolitanism necessitate the inclusion of many, if not all, sentient animals. Furthermore, I suggest that defenders of nonhuman animal rights should be cosmopolitans about global justice and explain why this does not require us to forsake our special relationships. I conclude with a plea to both mainstream defenders of cosmopolitanism and defenders of political justice for nonhuman animals to unite in developing genuinely inclusive theories of justice.

Global Heartland is the account of diverse, dispossessed, and displaced people brought together in a former sundown town in Illinois. Recruited to work in the local meat-processing plant, African Americans, Mexicans, and West Africans recreate the town in unexpected ways. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in the US, Mexico, and Togo, Faranak Miraftab shows how this workforce is produced for the global labor market; how the displaced workers' transnational lives help them stay in these jobs; and how they negotiate their relationships with each other across the lines of ethnicity, race, language, and nationality as they make a new home. Beardstown is not an exception but an example of local-global connections that make for local development. Focusing on a locality in a non-metropolitan region, this work contributes to urban scholarship on globalization by offering a fresh perspective on politics and materialities of placemaking.

In this article it is argued that the position of children can be improved by ensuring them political representation, through inclusion in democratic processes. Embedding children as equal participants in democratic processes is likely to diminish the structural disadvantages to which they are currently subjected within modern democracies. Political and social institutions will have greater incentives to act proactively to support children, and children will have the same ability as other citizens to express

[First paragraph]: On Wednesday, June 8, 2011, UK’s The Guardian reported that numerous US universities including Harvard and Vanderbilt were invested in companies that were buying large tracts of African
farmland and kicking off the indigenous farmers in order for their employees (mostly non-Africans) to grow cash crops to sell to Europe. Harms associated with this land-grabbing include, in addition to the evictions themselves, corruption among African governments and among absentee African land owners, increased food prices, and accelerated climate change.

Social inequalities have again become a strong focus of interest and analysis. The current theoretical perspectives in social sciences and the availability of institutional indicators have drawn attention to the global nature of contemporary inequalities. This article examines the various aspects of global inequalities. Following some preliminary theoretical questions, the topics addressed include the inequalities of human development, the relation between national and global inequalities, the new global classes, the objective and subjective inequalities in the world today and, finally, the issue of social justice and public policies at world level.

Tackling global injustice requires appropriate and effective institutions as well as cosmopolitan solidarity. This paper assumes that the ‘constitutionalized world society’ theorized by Habermas offers a viable proposal to make the protection and promotion of human rights more feasible. His account of solidarity, however, reveals a conundrum: If strong forms of solidarity grow out of shared political institutions and a related collective identity but it is precisely those institutions that we need to enhance at the global level, then how can we build sufficient solidarity to support this process? Habermas relies on a global consensus on human rights, but I argue that his version of cosmopolitan solidarity is too weak to motivate the measures needed to fully realize economic, social and cultural rights and the package of institutional reforms that he proposes. We thus need a narrative of the human condition that can lend additional support to the idea of human rights and cosmopolitan duties. I find the seeds of such a position, which I call cosmocommonism, in the work of Nancy. Having shown how this can motivate cosmopolitanism and support for human rights, I then consider in the conclusion its compatibility with the political institutions that Habermas proposes.

Global ethics addresses some of the most pressing ethical concerns today, including rogue states, torture, scarce resources, poverty, migration, consumption, global trade, medical tourism, and humanitarian intervention. It is both topical and important. How we resolve (or fail to resolve) the dilemmas of global ethics shapes how we understand ourselves, our relationships with each other and the social and political frameworks of governance now and into the future. This is seen most clearly in the case of climate change, where our actions now determine the environment our grandchildren will inherit, but it is also the case in other areas as our decisions about what it is permissible for humans beings to do to each other determines the type of beings we are. This book, suitable for course use, introduces students to the theory and practice of global ethics, ranging over issues in global governance and citizenship, poverty and development, war and terrorism, bioethics, environmental and climate ethics and gender justice.

In Coconut Colonialism, Holger Droessler examines the Samoan response through the lives of its workers. Ordinary Samoans—some on large plantations, others on their own small holdings—picked and processed coconuts and cocoa, tapped rubber trees, and built roads and ports that brought cash crops to Europe and North America. At the same time, Samoans redefined their own way of being in the world—what Droessler terms “Oceanian globality”—to challenge German and American visions of a global economy that in fact served only the needs of Western capitalism. Through cooperative farming, Samoans contested the exploitative wage-labor system introduced by colonial powers. The islanders also participated in ethnographic shows around the world, turning them into diplomatic missions and making friends with fellow colonized peoples. Samoans thereby found ways to press their own agendas and regain a degree of independence. Based on research in multiple languages and countries, Coconut Colonialism offers new insights into the global history of labor and empire at the dawn of the twentieth century.

This report, co-released by West Coast Environmental Law and the Vanuatu Environmental Law Association, explains how well-established principles of private international law allow the courts and governments of individual countries to take action against fossil fuel polluters. The report also includes the first public proposal for the text of a Climate Compensation Act that clarifies the principles of liability for large-scale greenhouse gas emitters, and which could be enacted by countries around the world.

My monthly newsletter is available on ISRAEL: Democracy, Human Rights, Politics and Society, http://almagor.blogspot.com
Politics – October 2021 – In memory of Neal Matthew Sher 1947-2021
Featuring
Reflections on Last Newsletter

MESG Programme 2021-2022

Invitation: Online Book Launches at Reading and UCL

Jordan's King Abdullah reiterates support for two-state solution

Twitter blocked the accounts of far-right Israeli political activists

Israel Considers Holding Facebook Liable for Content

Israeli Police Recruits Hundreds of People to Police Arab Towns

Hamas rejects the idea of municipal elections

Israel has agreed to a $520 million deal to sell air defense systems to the Czech Republic

Israel Signs an Agreement to Double Water Supply to Jordan

Nominations for the 2022 Hedley Bull Prize in International Relations!

Short Article: “The Future of the Internet”, Academia Letters, Article 1962 (2021).

Short Article: “Israel as an Ethnic Democracy: Palestinian Citizens and the Fight for Equal Rights”, Berkley Forum (August 6, 2021).

Interview about my new book, Just, Reasonable Multinationalism

LSE Blog on Just, Reasonable Multinationalism

New Book: Sherrow O. Pinder (ed.), Black Political Thought: From David Walker to the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020).

A Question

Do You Know?

Monthly Poem

Light Side

A popular proposal for fairly distributing greenhouse gas emission quotas is the equal shares view, according to which quotas should be distributed globally on an equal per capita basis. In this paper I show that many arguments in favour of equal shares rely on a misleading analysis of climate change as a global (atmospheric) commons problem. Correcting this flawed analysis reveals that those who defend equal shares using such arguments are controversially committed to claiming that there are no valid territorial claims to a resource system that actually encompasses the world’s forests and soils. I discuss two options for equal shares theorists who wish to maintain the view in the face of this critique, attempting to show that one holds more promise than the other.

The Flint water crisis was a preventable tragedy that has decimated an entire community. This crisis is particularly appalling because Flint is an Environmental Justice community –a community in which the majority of its residents are racial minorities, many of whom live below the poverty level, and bear the disproportionate burdens of environmental risks. As this vulnerable community continues to suffer, we at the Michigan Environmental Justice Coalition are reminded of the Michigan Environmental Justice Plan, and how its implementation may have helped to prevent this catastrophe from happening.

My primary purpose in this essay is to examine from a normative standpoint the claim that immigration should be regarded as a human right.  Even though I will argue that one cannot reasonably claim that immigration is a human right, the moral concerns that motivate this claim should be taken seriously.  I therefore propose some moral principles to guide the formulation of just immigration policies that take these moral concerns into account.
I examine two arguments that are often used to justify the view that immigration is a human right: (1) granting people the right to immigrate is entailed by the natural right of freedom of movement and (2) a commitment to the moral equality of all human beings entails, at a minimum, that we should not interfere with their opportunity for living a flourishing life, which is what we are doing when we prevent them from accessing the labor markets of economically developed countries.  Regarding the first argument, we should note that there are numerous recognized and well-justified restrictions on our freedom to move.  We cannot, for example, move into private property without the owner’s consent (except perhaps during emergencies or when we have special right of access).  And since most property is privately owned, this means that we are in general significantly restricted regarding where we can move.  Moreover, we cannot drive our car on the streets in any direction we please or at any rate of speed.  Neither can we decide to live on publicly owned spaces such as national parks or on publicly owned buildings such as city libraries.  Taking note of these familiar and well-accepted restrictions on movement reminds us that our freedom to move is usually constrained by numerous considerations that involve the individual and collective interests of others.  We cannot simply assume that we are free to engage in any particular form of movement without taking into account how this might affect others.  Appealing to freedom of movement by itself fails to provide a moral ground for recognizing immigration as a human right because physical movement is in general a significantly constrained activity and we cannot automatically assume that relocation to another political community is among those forms of movement that should be unconstrained.  I further strengthen my position by arguing that an unrestricted right to immigration would undermine the institutional effectiveness of self-governing political communities.
Regarding the second argument, I maintain that not interfering with the opportunity of others to attain human flourishing is a serious moral imperative, but that it is not at all clear that regarding immigration as a human right is either necessary or wise for respecting this imperative.  The literature on global migration clearly shows that the world’s most needy and vulnerable citizens typically do not immigrate because they do not have the resources or capabilities for doing so.  Declaring immigration as a human right would in effect create an open market in immigration, in which immigration slots would be taken by those with the means to do so.  This would further exacerbate the brain drain from developing  countries, which would be hurt by the  permanent departure of their most resourceful, brightest, and best educated citizens.  As an alternative, I propose that fair and integrated international labor policies that enable laborers to temporarily access the global labor market without permanently departing from their home countries would be a significant step toward enabling the world’s people to achieve human flourishing.  Such policies should include paying foreign laborers fair wages and providing them with such entitlements as legalized status, social services, affordable means of remittance, and labor bargaining rights. This fair international migrant labor policy approach maintains that an adequate philosophy of immigration and migration should be understood within the context of global justice and should be a part of the development strategy for poor countries.  Rather than enshrining immigration as a right that countries would fail to implement because of real world political and economic considerations, the just international migrant labor approach I defend recognizes that the ultimate goal of a just philosophy of immigration is to improve the opportunities for flourishing for all the world’s peoples, and not only of those who have the means to engage in global migration.

Scientific research can make a critical contribution to addressing global challenges and achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). As part of an effort to improve processes of research uptake in policy making, this report synthesizes research submitted by Geneva-based institutions and their global networks to the project From Science to Practice: Research and Knowledge to Achieve the SDGs on the theme of sustainable and just economies.

The report considers how to build sustainable and just economies—economies that promote growth along with an equitable distribution of benefits to the whole population, and which preserve rather than profit off of the natural environment. It includes recent findings on how the Covid-19 pandemic is impacting and, in many cases, exacerbating the challenge of building fairer economies. The report then presents some pathways towards achieving the SDGs that link to and reflect discussions within the research community. Four examples are proposed from International Geneva, of possible spaces for action to maximize synergies in addressing the SDGs: the role of trade and technology; systems thinking; the circular economy; and strengthening the science-practice interface. The report concludes by highlighting the need for a holistic approach towards addressing the topic of sustainable and just economies under the SDGs, one that recognizes the complexity and interdependence of the global challenges to which the Goals are responding.

In ihrem 2005 veröffentlichten Buch „Kunst aus dem Labor“ thematisiert die Medientheoretikerin Ingeborg Reichle die engen Verbindungen zwischen Kunst und Naturwissenschaften. Standen lange vor allem technische Medien im Zentrum medientheoretischer Erkundungen, so gehören heute biologische dazu: In der BioArt und der Transgenic Art wenden Künstler*innen Methoden der Molekularbiologie an, um genetische Codes zu manipulieren; in der Robotic / Artificial Life Art wird mit computerbasierten Simulationsmodellen gearbeitet. Künstler*innen kooperieren eng mit Naturwissenschaftler*innen, überführen Laborsituationen in den Ausstellungskontext, experimentieren mit gentechnisch manipulierten Organismen und thematisieren in Techno- science die Auswirkungen der Forschungen auf unser Leben.

Climate justice: philosophical ideal, international failure, and cosmopolitan metamorphoses

Climate change raises profound moral problems, among which the issue of justice is paramount due to the severity of inequalities both in vulnerability and causal responsibility. As major philosophical theories turn out to be unsuited to account for global, intergenerational and environmental matters, theories of climate justice have been developed since the early 1990s to address these issues, in parallel with efforts to build international climate governance. With particular focus on interpreting the “common but differentiated responsibilities” norm, philosophers have designed various theoretical frameworks and principles to account for the fair distribution of mitigation and adaptation duties. However, as it has become increasingly obvious, international governance has failed to implement fair and efficient climate policies, and so have theories of climate justice. Still, climate justice ideals are more relevant than ever. In order to further them, theories must go beyond a purely ideal and international conception of climate justice and embrace a non-ideal, cosmopolitan and multiscalar approach. Such a paradigm shift illuminates recent metamorphoses of climate justice narratives to include questions of individual responsibility, fair transition at national and local levels, and loss and damage.

La justice climatique : idéal philosophique, échec international et métamorphoses cosmopolitiques

Le changement climatique soulève de profonds problèmes moraux : celui de la justice est d’une importance primordiale en raison de la sévérité des inégalités dans la vulnérabilité et la responsabilité causale. Les principales théories philosophiques s’avérant inadéquates pour penser les problèmes de justice mondiale, intergénérationnelle et environnementale, des théories de la justice climatique ont été développées depuis le début des années 1990, en parallèle des efforts pour construire une gouvernance climatique internationale. Cherchant en particulier à interpréter la norme des « responsabilités communes mais différenciées », des philosophes ont conçu des cadres théoriques et des principes pour penser la juste distribution des devoirs d’atténuation et d’adaptation. Cependant, il est de plus en plus manifeste que la gouvernance internationale a échoué à mettre en œuvre des politiques climatiques justes et efficaces. Cet échec est également celui des théories de la justice climatique. Les idéaux de justice climatique restent toutefois plus pertinents que jamais. Afin de les promouvoir, les théories doivent aller au-delà d’une conception purement idéale et internationale de la justice climatique et adopter une approche non idéale, cosmopolitique et multiscalaire. Un tel changement de paradigme permet d’éclairer les métamorphoses récentes des récits sur la justice climatique pour inclure les questions de responsabilité individuelle, de transition juste aux niveaux national et local, et de pertes et préjudices.

This article is a contribution to a festschrift in honor of Rev. Chris Ferguson's leadership of the World Communion of Reformed Churches. It engages the Accra Confession and suggests that the next step for bringing the Confession to bear on our current realities requires churches to consider what it means to be confessional and catholic. In doing so, it introduces inter-confessionality as a possible way forward, not only to address global challenges today, but how the Accra Confession can help facilitate that mission.

Anthropogenic climate change poses a considerable threat to human life on planet Earth. Extreme weather, water stress, crop failure and the spread of diseases are among the eff ects of climate change that are already being felt around the globe. However, climate change does not pose a threat to all life: nature can certainly adapt to new conditions. The question is if we can adapt. Since global warming is already a reality and can no longer be averted, addressing climate change involves two types of measures: mitigation (attempts to curb and regulate greenhouse gas emissions and restrain individual consumer lifestyles) and adaptation to new living conditions (fi nancially supporting farmers aff ected by droughts, relocating residents threatened by rising sea levels, addressing new epidemics and climate migration). Sadly, experience shows that the more vulnerable the population aff ected by the adverse eff ects of climate change, and the greater the danger to their subsistence and physical integrity, the less the political will to support them. Kant's ethical theory provides normative guidance concerning our duties to others and to ourselves. It is no surprise that climate ethics has also turned to Kant and to Kantian inspired theories in search of normative principles for dealing with the challenges of climate change and spelling out what we owe to each other in this regard. While I do not dispute that there are important individual ethical duties in regard to climate change, the problem is that the focus on individual virtue and individual agency seems inadequate in the face of the urgency to mitigate the impact of climate change. Although I propose in this article a Kantian approach to climate change, I will start by explaining the limitations of applying Kant's ethical theory to the problem of climate change. Climate change is a global problem that calls for urgent collective action not only at the domestic level but 9781138700000_pi-257.indd 99 9781138700000_pi-257.indd 99

Marketing Global Justice is a critical study of the efforts to ‘sell’ global justice, and the deeply structuring effects of marketing. It offers a new reading of the rise of international criminal law, as the dominant institutional expression of global justice, as inherently linked to the rise of branding. The political economy analysis highlights that a global elite benefit from marketised global justice whilst those who tend to be the ‘faces’ of global injustice, particularly victims of conflict, are commodified. The book is an invitation to think about the predominance of market values in global justice and suggests ‘occupying’ global justice as a potential avenue for drawing out social values.