The German lacuna in Edward Said’s 'Orientalism' has produced varied studies of German cultural a... more The German lacuna in Edward Said’s 'Orientalism' has produced varied studies of German cultural and academic Orientalisms. So far the domains of German politics and scholarship have not been conflated to probe the central power/knowledge nexus of Said’s argument. Seeking to fill this gap, the diplomatic career and scholarly-literary productions of the centrally placed Friedrich Rosen serve as a focal point to investigate how politics influenced knowledge generated about the “Orient” and charts the roles knowledge played in political decision-making regarding extra-European regions. This is pursued through analyses of Germans in British imperialist contexts, cultures of lowly diplomatic encounters in Middle Eastern cities, Persian poetry in translation, prestigious Orientalist congresses in northern climes, leveraging knowledge in high-stakes diplomatic encounters, and the making of Germany’s Islam policy up to the Great War. Politics drew on bodies of knowledge and could promote or hinder scholarship. Yet, scholars never systemically followed empire in its tracks but sought their own paths to cognition. On their own terms or influenced by “Oriental” savants they aligned with politics or challenged claims to conquest and rule.
Sind Fachleute die besseren Außenpolitiker? Vor 100 Jahren trat der Orientkenner Friedrich Rosen ... more Sind Fachleute die besseren Außenpolitiker? Vor 100 Jahren trat der Orientkenner Friedrich Rosen als Deutschlands oberster Diplomat den Beweis an.
Die Sammlungen in Lippe, darunter die von Rosen nach Detmold gebrachten Objekte, bilden Teil eine... more Die Sammlungen in Lippe, darunter die von Rosen nach Detmold gebrachten Objekte, bilden Teil eines Kulturerbes, das von Kooperations- und Konfliktgeschichten erzählt, deren Rückwirkungen auf ostwestfälisch-lippische Diskussionen über die außereuropäische Welt noch zu erforschen sind.
Noch immer zählen die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika zu den von der Covid-19-Pandemie am meisten... more Noch immer zählen die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika zu den von der Covid-19-Pandemie am meisten betroffenen Ländern: Die USA verzeichnen nicht nur die meisten Infektionen mit dem Covid-19-Virus, sondern auch die meisten Todesfälle-und nach wie vor wird der Alltag von Restriktionen beeinflusst. Doch wie nehmen Wissenschaftler und Wissenschaftlerinnen die Einschränkungen wahr? Wie wird die Geisteswissenschaft im Speziellen von der Pandemie beeinflusst? Nachdem wir zu Beginn der Pandemie bereits die Historikerinnen Prof. Dr. Astrid M. Eckert und Prof. Dr. Simone Lässig zu dieser Thematik befragt haben, gibt ein Interview mit Dr. Julius Wilm, Dr. Levke Harders und Dr. Amir Theilhaber weitere Einblicke. Wir wollten unter anderem wissen, wie sie die Situation wahrgenommen "Eine Wissenschaft, an der viele partizipieren können" | L.I.S.A. WISSENSCHAFTSPORTAL GER... https://lisa.gerda-henkel-stiftung.de/wissenschaft_covid19_usa
Only a few weeks after the outbreak of the Egyptian Revolution in January 2011, Amir Theilhaber, ... more Only a few weeks after the outbreak of the Egyptian Revolution in January 2011, Amir Theilhaber, a German historian and political scientist with an Israeli background, and Marian Reda, an Egyptian doctor, became flatmates in Cairo, not far from Tahrir Square. Ever since Heinitz left Egypt in the summer of 2011, his and Reda’s friendship has continued via e-mail. Heinitz and Reda decided to make excerpts of their e-mail correspondence available as a contribution to The Critical Stage. These e-mails cover the time span from 2011 to 2013 and are a personal, at times very emotional account of the impact the revolution has had on both of the authors’ lives. At the same time, the protagonists are dealing with everyday issues and – like many of their generation – are looking for meaningful perspectives in their lives.
This paper provides an overview of the nexus of migration and security with a focus on the EU’s m... more This paper provides an overview of the nexus of migration and security with a focus on the EU’s migration policy and its effects on migrant security and migration flows in the Eastern Mediterranean from the mid-2000s to the Arab Spring and its aftermath.
Initial recipient countries of migrants of the Eastern Mediterranean take in migrants for internal or external political reasons. Migrants are generally afforded little means by the state to integrate and are often discriminated against by society. The legal administration of migrants in the region is often delegated to international organisations, such as UNHCR and IOM, and social services (health care, education, legal assistance, nutritional assistance etc.) are provided by CSOs and migrant networks often with limited resources and vulnerable to conflict. Smugglers and migrant networks provide exit routes to Europe or other destinations for desperate, ambitious or more mobile migrants.
This paper suggests that the EU’s assistance to transit countries in strengthening their border systems should be supplemented by actively engaging transit countries on a policy, legal and financial level. Local integration should be supported in close cooperation between the EU, transit country authorities, UNHCR, IOM and CSOs, and matched by an increase in controlled immigration to the EU from transit countries according to vulnerability categories and skilled labour needs. Civil perception and categorisation of migrants as either dangerous (irregular immigrant) or vulnerable (refugee), should be complemented by an appreciation of migrants as political and economic actors, culminating in the engagement of migrants on an equal footing.
Given protracted conflicts in countries of emigration, the paper concludes that a lack of proactive EU foreign migration policy towards transit countries bordering the Mediterranean, results in an overly intensive securitisation of the EU’s external borders as a tool to repel economic migrants and refugees.
What constitutes the failure of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership? Which fallacies and truisms t... more What constitutes the failure of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership? Which fallacies and truisms that stood at the outset of the theoretical conception of the Barcelona Process should have been scrutinized more in depth back then and ought to be reconsidered today? Based on these misconceptions was the Partnership doomed to be a miscarriage, or could failures have been avoided under a different practical regime. Finally, what would constitute such a regime and what is the way ahead? The Kingdom of Morocco , largest beneficiary of financial programmes by the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and arguably the most rapidly adapting member, will serve as a case study.
This thesis deals with the nexus of international relations and migration in the naughties of the... more This thesis deals with the nexus of international relations and migration in the naughties of the 21st century, amid increased global interactions, a security-focussed discourse and cultural insecurities. In particular the role that migrant minorities play in foreign relations has been overlooked. The case of the relations between Germany and Turkey and Germany's Turkish minority serves as a departure point for an analysis of the interplay of foreign and EU affairs vis-a-vis internal affairs, next to issues of identity, nationalism and migration on a societal level. The continued prevalence of economic and geo-strategic interests on Europe's margins in corelation with the clash of civilizations and (in)security paradigms sets the underlying tone. An empirical discourse analysis of stakeholders in Turkish and German medias, governments and politics in response to the fire of a Turkish inhabited house in Ludwigshafen, the Merkel-Erdogan meeting and Erdogan's Kölnarena speech, all in February 2008, portrays multilayered dynamics not fitting neatly into predominant theoretical IR, political sciences or historical frameworks. The findings of this article are twofold: While sensitive issues concerning the place and role of Turks living in Germany are intensely contested in public debates, triggered by stark cases of racism and legal or social changes affecting German national identity, often drawing in responses from Turkish politics and media, this does not affect German-Turkish foreign relations, based on geo-strategic and economic cooperation consequentially. This leaves the Turkish community in Germany - unable to count on the government of the Turkish homeland and unclear about the abilities of the government of recipient Germany – sitting on the fence. It is suggested that Euroturks want to consider emancipating itself from stereotypes, discrimination, disadvantage and inactive grumbling and instead forcefully, also together with other ethnic and social minorities, push for their rights and ambitions.
The German lacuna in Edward Said’s 'Orientalism' has produced varied studies of German cultural a... more The German lacuna in Edward Said’s 'Orientalism' has produced varied studies of German cultural and academic Orientalisms. So far the domains of German politics and scholarship have not been conflated to probe the central power/knowledge nexus of Said’s argument. Seeking to fill this gap, the diplomatic career and scholarly-literary productions of the centrally placed Friedrich Rosen serve as a focal point to investigate how politics influenced knowledge generated about the “Orient” and charts the roles knowledge played in political decision-making regarding extra-European regions. This is pursued through analyses of Germans in British imperialist contexts, cultures of lowly diplomatic encounters in Middle Eastern cities, Persian poetry in translation, prestigious Orientalist congresses in northern climes, leveraging knowledge in high-stakes diplomatic encounters, and the making of Germany’s Islam policy up to the Great War. Politics drew on bodies of knowledge and could promote or hinder scholarship. Yet, scholars never systemically followed empire in its tracks but sought their own paths to cognition. On their own terms or influenced by “Oriental” savants they aligned with politics or challenged claims to conquest and rule.
Sind Fachleute die besseren Außenpolitiker? Vor 100 Jahren trat der Orientkenner Friedrich Rosen ... more Sind Fachleute die besseren Außenpolitiker? Vor 100 Jahren trat der Orientkenner Friedrich Rosen als Deutschlands oberster Diplomat den Beweis an.
Die Sammlungen in Lippe, darunter die von Rosen nach Detmold gebrachten Objekte, bilden Teil eine... more Die Sammlungen in Lippe, darunter die von Rosen nach Detmold gebrachten Objekte, bilden Teil eines Kulturerbes, das von Kooperations- und Konfliktgeschichten erzählt, deren Rückwirkungen auf ostwestfälisch-lippische Diskussionen über die außereuropäische Welt noch zu erforschen sind.
Noch immer zählen die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika zu den von der Covid-19-Pandemie am meisten... more Noch immer zählen die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika zu den von der Covid-19-Pandemie am meisten betroffenen Ländern: Die USA verzeichnen nicht nur die meisten Infektionen mit dem Covid-19-Virus, sondern auch die meisten Todesfälle-und nach wie vor wird der Alltag von Restriktionen beeinflusst. Doch wie nehmen Wissenschaftler und Wissenschaftlerinnen die Einschränkungen wahr? Wie wird die Geisteswissenschaft im Speziellen von der Pandemie beeinflusst? Nachdem wir zu Beginn der Pandemie bereits die Historikerinnen Prof. Dr. Astrid M. Eckert und Prof. Dr. Simone Lässig zu dieser Thematik befragt haben, gibt ein Interview mit Dr. Julius Wilm, Dr. Levke Harders und Dr. Amir Theilhaber weitere Einblicke. Wir wollten unter anderem wissen, wie sie die Situation wahrgenommen "Eine Wissenschaft, an der viele partizipieren können" | L.I.S.A. WISSENSCHAFTSPORTAL GER... https://lisa.gerda-henkel-stiftung.de/wissenschaft_covid19_usa
Only a few weeks after the outbreak of the Egyptian Revolution in January 2011, Amir Theilhaber, ... more Only a few weeks after the outbreak of the Egyptian Revolution in January 2011, Amir Theilhaber, a German historian and political scientist with an Israeli background, and Marian Reda, an Egyptian doctor, became flatmates in Cairo, not far from Tahrir Square. Ever since Heinitz left Egypt in the summer of 2011, his and Reda’s friendship has continued via e-mail. Heinitz and Reda decided to make excerpts of their e-mail correspondence available as a contribution to The Critical Stage. These e-mails cover the time span from 2011 to 2013 and are a personal, at times very emotional account of the impact the revolution has had on both of the authors’ lives. At the same time, the protagonists are dealing with everyday issues and – like many of their generation – are looking for meaningful perspectives in their lives.
This paper provides an overview of the nexus of migration and security with a focus on the EU’s m... more This paper provides an overview of the nexus of migration and security with a focus on the EU’s migration policy and its effects on migrant security and migration flows in the Eastern Mediterranean from the mid-2000s to the Arab Spring and its aftermath.
Initial recipient countries of migrants of the Eastern Mediterranean take in migrants for internal or external political reasons. Migrants are generally afforded little means by the state to integrate and are often discriminated against by society. The legal administration of migrants in the region is often delegated to international organisations, such as UNHCR and IOM, and social services (health care, education, legal assistance, nutritional assistance etc.) are provided by CSOs and migrant networks often with limited resources and vulnerable to conflict. Smugglers and migrant networks provide exit routes to Europe or other destinations for desperate, ambitious or more mobile migrants.
This paper suggests that the EU’s assistance to transit countries in strengthening their border systems should be supplemented by actively engaging transit countries on a policy, legal and financial level. Local integration should be supported in close cooperation between the EU, transit country authorities, UNHCR, IOM and CSOs, and matched by an increase in controlled immigration to the EU from transit countries according to vulnerability categories and skilled labour needs. Civil perception and categorisation of migrants as either dangerous (irregular immigrant) or vulnerable (refugee), should be complemented by an appreciation of migrants as political and economic actors, culminating in the engagement of migrants on an equal footing.
Given protracted conflicts in countries of emigration, the paper concludes that a lack of proactive EU foreign migration policy towards transit countries bordering the Mediterranean, results in an overly intensive securitisation of the EU’s external borders as a tool to repel economic migrants and refugees.
What constitutes the failure of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership? Which fallacies and truisms t... more What constitutes the failure of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership? Which fallacies and truisms that stood at the outset of the theoretical conception of the Barcelona Process should have been scrutinized more in depth back then and ought to be reconsidered today? Based on these misconceptions was the Partnership doomed to be a miscarriage, or could failures have been avoided under a different practical regime. Finally, what would constitute such a regime and what is the way ahead? The Kingdom of Morocco , largest beneficiary of financial programmes by the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and arguably the most rapidly adapting member, will serve as a case study.
This thesis deals with the nexus of international relations and migration in the naughties of the... more This thesis deals with the nexus of international relations and migration in the naughties of the 21st century, amid increased global interactions, a security-focussed discourse and cultural insecurities. In particular the role that migrant minorities play in foreign relations has been overlooked. The case of the relations between Germany and Turkey and Germany's Turkish minority serves as a departure point for an analysis of the interplay of foreign and EU affairs vis-a-vis internal affairs, next to issues of identity, nationalism and migration on a societal level. The continued prevalence of economic and geo-strategic interests on Europe's margins in corelation with the clash of civilizations and (in)security paradigms sets the underlying tone. An empirical discourse analysis of stakeholders in Turkish and German medias, governments and politics in response to the fire of a Turkish inhabited house in Ludwigshafen, the Merkel-Erdogan meeting and Erdogan's Kölnarena speech, all in February 2008, portrays multilayered dynamics not fitting neatly into predominant theoretical IR, political sciences or historical frameworks. The findings of this article are twofold: While sensitive issues concerning the place and role of Turks living in Germany are intensely contested in public debates, triggered by stark cases of racism and legal or social changes affecting German national identity, often drawing in responses from Turkish politics and media, this does not affect German-Turkish foreign relations, based on geo-strategic and economic cooperation consequentially. This leaves the Turkish community in Germany - unable to count on the government of the Turkish homeland and unclear about the abilities of the government of recipient Germany – sitting on the fence. It is suggested that Euroturks want to consider emancipating itself from stereotypes, discrimination, disadvantage and inactive grumbling and instead forcefully, also together with other ethnic and social minorities, push for their rights and ambitions.
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Initial recipient countries of migrants of the Eastern Mediterranean take in migrants for internal or external political reasons. Migrants are generally afforded little means by the state to integrate and are often discriminated against by society. The legal administration of migrants in the region is often delegated to international organisations, such as UNHCR and IOM, and social services (health care, education, legal assistance, nutritional assistance etc.) are provided by CSOs and migrant networks often with limited resources and vulnerable to conflict. Smugglers and migrant networks provide exit routes to Europe or other destinations for desperate, ambitious or more mobile migrants.
This paper suggests that the EU’s assistance to transit countries in strengthening their border systems should be supplemented by actively engaging transit countries on a policy, legal and financial level. Local integration should be supported in close cooperation between the EU, transit country authorities, UNHCR, IOM and CSOs, and matched by an increase in controlled immigration to the EU from transit countries according to vulnerability categories and skilled labour needs. Civil perception and categorisation of migrants as either dangerous (irregular immigrant) or vulnerable (refugee), should be complemented by an appreciation of migrants as political and economic actors, culminating in the engagement of migrants on an equal footing.
Given protracted conflicts in countries of emigration, the paper concludes that a lack of proactive EU foreign migration policy towards transit countries bordering the Mediterranean, results in an overly intensive securitisation of the EU’s external borders as a tool to repel economic migrants and refugees.
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Initial recipient countries of migrants of the Eastern Mediterranean take in migrants for internal or external political reasons. Migrants are generally afforded little means by the state to integrate and are often discriminated against by society. The legal administration of migrants in the region is often delegated to international organisations, such as UNHCR and IOM, and social services (health care, education, legal assistance, nutritional assistance etc.) are provided by CSOs and migrant networks often with limited resources and vulnerable to conflict. Smugglers and migrant networks provide exit routes to Europe or other destinations for desperate, ambitious or more mobile migrants.
This paper suggests that the EU’s assistance to transit countries in strengthening their border systems should be supplemented by actively engaging transit countries on a policy, legal and financial level. Local integration should be supported in close cooperation between the EU, transit country authorities, UNHCR, IOM and CSOs, and matched by an increase in controlled immigration to the EU from transit countries according to vulnerability categories and skilled labour needs. Civil perception and categorisation of migrants as either dangerous (irregular immigrant) or vulnerable (refugee), should be complemented by an appreciation of migrants as political and economic actors, culminating in the engagement of migrants on an equal footing.
Given protracted conflicts in countries of emigration, the paper concludes that a lack of proactive EU foreign migration policy towards transit countries bordering the Mediterranean, results in an overly intensive securitisation of the EU’s external borders as a tool to repel economic migrants and refugees.